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THE INDIAN TRIBES OF
THE UPPER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY AND
REGION OF THE GREAT LAKES
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THE INDIAN TRIBES OF THE
UPPER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY AND
REGION OF THE GREAT LAKES
as described by Nicolas Perrot, French comman-
dant in the Northwest; Bacqueville de la Poth-
erie, French royal commissioner to Canada;
Morrell Marston, American army officer;
and Thomas Forsyth, United States
agent at Fort Armstrong
Translated, edited, annotated, and with bibliography
and index by
EMMA HELEN BLAIR'
With portraits, map, facsimiles, and vitws
VOLUME II
CLEVELAND, OHIO
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
1912
COPYRIGHT, IQII, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK CO.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II
HISTORY OF THE SAVAGE PEOPLES WHO ARE ALLIES OF NEW
FRANCE ; BY CLAUDE CHARLES LE ROY, SIEUR DE BAC-
QUEVILLE DE LA POTHERIE (continued) . . .13
MEMOIRS RELATING TO THE SAUK AND FOXES
Letter of Major Marston to Reverend Doctor Morse . 139
An account of the Manners and Customs of the Sauk and
Fox Nations of Indians Tradition; by Thomas Forsyth . 183
APPENDIX A - Biographical sketch of Nicolas Perrot; condensed
from the notes of Father Tailhan .... 249
APPENDIX B — Notes on Indian social organization, mental and
moral traits, religious beliefs, etc. . . . .257
APPENDIX C — Various letters, etc., describing the character and
present condition of the Sioux, Potawatomi, and Winnebago
tribes ....... 284
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 301
ADDENDA
Location of tribes . . . . . « 355
Addition to annotations /._> . . . 356
Additions to bibliography . . . , . 357
INDEX . . . . . • . . . 359
-i K
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME II
VIEW OF FORT ARMSTRONG . . . . Frontispiece
WAA-PA-LAA (Fox) . . . . . .143
KEOKUCK (Sauk) . . . . . . 159
SHAWNEE PROPHET ...... 275
PECHECHO (Potawattomi) ..... 289
O-CHEK-KA (Winnebago) ..... 295
HISTORY OF THE SAVAGE PEO-
ples who are allies of New France. By
Claude Charles Le Roy, Bacqueville
de la Potherie [from his Histoire
de I'Amerique septentrionale (Paris,
I753)> tome ii and iv].
Continued and Completed from volume I
Chapter XVI
Some time afterward, three men were seen, running
in great haste, and uttering the cries for the dead. As
they approached the fort, they were heard to say that all
the Miamis were dead; that the Iroquois had defeated
them at Chigagon, to which place they had been sum-
moned [by] some Frenchmen; and that those who were
left intended to take revenge on the latter. They were
brought into the fort, and pipes were given them to
smoke ; and gradually they regained their senses. After
they had eaten a good meal, and had painted themselves
with vermilion, they were questioned in regard to all
the details of this news; now see in what manner the
youngest of them spoke in addressing Perrot.
"When thou didst make a present this autumn to
Apichagan, the chief of the Miamis, he himself set out
the next day to notify all the Miamis and our people of
what thou hadst told him ; and he made them consent to
follow thee, after he had secured the promise of all the
men. Two Frenchmen had sent presents to the Miamis,
to tell them that Onontio wished them to settle at Che-
kagou. Apichagan opposed this, and said that his peo-
ple had already been slain at the river of Saint Joseph,
when Monsieur de la Salle made them settle there.
The Frenchmen have been the cause of the death of
those whom thou lovest as thy own children; whom
thou didst not induce to come to thy house, and whom
thou didst warn only not to trouble themselves carrying
LA POTHERIE [Vol.
arms against those among whom thou wast going; and
whom thou didst tell that if they went to Chigagon they
would be eaten by the Iroquois. At that time he pre-
vented his people from believing the Frenchmen, to
whom he sent deputies a second time, to tell them not to
look for the Miamis. The Frenchmen again sent some
of their men, who declared to Apichagan on the part of
Onontio that he would be abandoned if he did not obey
Onontio's voice, which of course disquieted the chief.
He said, nevertheless, 'Follow Metaminens ; if my peo-
ple do not put their trust in him, they will seek death.
Follow him; it is he who gives us life and who has pre-
vented our families from being involved in the same
ruin with those who have been at Chigagon.' When the
Miamis reached that place the Frenchmen told them to
go hunting there; and our people began to regret that
they had not followed Metaminens. They dispersed in
all directions to carry on their hunting, and [then] re-
turned to the fort which the Frenchmen had built, to
ascertain what they required. Some families who could
not reach the fort as the others did were surprised by an
army of Iroquois; and in this encounter a chief of the
Miamis was captured who, in his death-song, asked his
enemies to spare his life, assuring them that if they
would grant it, he would deliver up his own village to
them ; so they released him.
"Some hunters, belonging to those families who had
not gone to Chigagon, on their way back to their cabins
saw from afar a large encampment; they concluded that
their people had been defeated, and fled to the fort to
carry the news of this. The Miamis who were there con-
sulted together whether they should resist an assault or
take to flight. A Sokoki who was among them told them
not to trust the French, who were friends of the Iro-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 15
quois. The Miamis believed him, and fled in all direc-
tions. The Iroquois came to that place, under the guid-
ance of that Miami chief who had promised to betray
his village to them. They found there only four French-
men who came from the Islinois, whom they did not
molest, the Miamis having deserted -and even the com-
mander of the French, who had been afraid to remain
there. The Iroquois followed at the heels of the people
of the village, and captured in general all the women
and children, except one woman, and some men who
abandoned their families."
The Ayoes came to the fort of the French [i.e., Per-
rot's], on their return from hunting beaver, and, not
finding the commandant, who had gone to the Nadoiiais-
sioux, they sent a chief to entreat him to go to the fort.
Four Islinois met him on the way, who (although they
were enemies of the Ayoes) came to ask him to send back
four of their children, whom some Frenchmen held cap-
tive. The Ayoes had the peculiar trait that, far from
doing ill to their enemies, they entertained them, and,
weeping over them, entreated the Islinois to let them
enjoy the advantages which they could look for from the
French, without being molested by their tribesmen ; and
these Islinois were sent back to the Frenchmen, who
were expecting the Nadouaissioux. When the latter,
who also were at war with the Islinois, perceived these
envoys, they tried to fling themselves on the Islinois ca-
noes in order to seize them; but the Frenchmen who
were conducting them kept at a distance from the shore
of the river, so as to avoid such a blunder. The other
Frenchmen who were there for trade hastened toward
their comrades; the affair was, however, settled, and
four Nadouaissioux took the Islinois upon their shoul-
ders and carried them to the land, informing them that
16 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
they spared them out of consideration for the French-
men, to whom they were indebted for life. The defeat
of the Miamis at Chigagon was an event to be keenly
felt by all the peoples of those quarters ; and messengers
were sent to the bay to ascertain the particulars of it,
and to get some news of the colony. The Freshmen re-
ported that what had been said about it was true, and
that a hundred savages -Miamis, Maskoutechs, Pou-
teoiiatemis, and Outagamis-had pursued the Iroquois,
hatchet in hand, with so much fury that they had slain a
hundred of the enemy, recaptured half of their own
people, and put to rout the Iroquois, who even would
have been destroyed if the victors had continued to pur-
sue them. The messengers said that the Miamis were
at the bay, and that they had very badly treated Father
Alloiiet, a Jesuit, who had prompted their going to Chi-
gagon, as they imputed to him the loss of their people.
Monsieur the Marquis de Denonville, who was at that
time the governor-general, desired to avenge these peo-
ple, in order to remove the opinion that they entertained
that we had the design of sacrificing them to the Iro-
quois. He sent orders to the French commandant who
was among the Outaoiiaks to call all the tribes together
and get them to join his army which was at Niagara, to
the end that all might go against the Tsonnontouans.
The commandant of the west was also ordered to en-
list the tribes who were in his district, mainly the
Miamis. That officer, having put his affairs in order,
made known to some Frenchmen whom he left to guard
his fort the conduct that they were to observe during his
absence, and proceeded to the [Miami] village that was
down the Missisipi, in order to induce them to take up
arms against the Iroquois; he traveled sixty leagues on
the plains, without other guide than the fires and the
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 17
clouds of smoke that he saw. When he arrived among
the Miamis he offered to them the club in behalf of
Onontio, with several presents, and said to them: "The
cries of your dead have been heard by your father On-
ontio, who, desiring to take pity on you, has resolved to
sacrifice his young men in order to destroy the man-eater
who has devoured you. He sends you his club, and tells
you to smite unweariedly him who has snatched away
your children. They pitch their tents outside of his ket-
tle, crying to you, * Avenge us! avenge us!' He must
disgorge and vomit by force your flesh which is in his
stomach, which he will not be able to digest -Onontio
will not allow him leisure for that. If your children have
been his dogs and slaves, his women must in their turn
become ours." All the Miamis accepted the club,1
and assured him that, since their father intended to as-
sist them, they all would die for his interests.
This Frenchman, returning to his fort, perceived on
the way so much smoke that he believed it was [made
by] an army of our allies who were marching against
the Nadoiiaissioux, who might while passing carry away
his men; and that constrained him to travel by longer
stages. Fortunately he met a Maskoutech chief, who,
not having found him at the fort, had come to meet him,
in order to inform him that the Outagamis, the Kika-
1 "Every tribe in America used clubs, but after the adoption of more effec-
tual weapons, as the bow and lance, clubs became in many cases merely a part
of the costume, or were relegated to ceremonial, domestic, and special functions.
There was great variety in the forms of this weapon or instrument. Most
clubs were designed for warfare." The Siouan tribes, and some of the Plains
tribes, used the club with a fixed stone head ; the northern Sioux, the Sauk, Fox,
and some other Algonquian tribes, a musket-shaped club ; while a flat, curved
club with a knobbed head (French, casse-tete) was used by some Sioux, and
by the Chippewa, Menominee, and other timber Algonquians. "Clubs of this
type are often set with spikes, lance-heads, knife-blades, or the like, and the
elk-horn with sharpened prongs belongs to this class." — WALTER HOUGH, in
Handbook Amer. Indians.
i8 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
bous, the Maskoutechs, and all the peoples of the bay
were to meet together in order to come and plunder his
warehouses, in order to obtain [fire] arms and munitions
for destroying the Nadoiiaissioux; and that they had
resolved to break into the fort and kill all the French-
men, if the latter made the least objection to this. This
news obliged him to go thither immediately. Three
spies had left the place on the very day of his arrival,
who had used the pretext of trading some beaver-skins;
they reported at their camp that they had seen only six
Frenchmen, and, the commandant not being there, that
would be enough to persuade them to undertake the
execution of their scheme. On the next day, two others
of them came, who played the same part. The French
had taken the precaution to place guns, all loaded, at
the doors of the cabins. When the savages tried to enter
any cabin, our men discovered the secret of making them
find there men who had changed their garments to dif-
ferent ones. The savages asked, while speaking of one
thing or another, how many Frenchmen were in the
fort; and the reply was, that they numbered forty, and
that we were expecting every moment those of our men
who were on the other side of the river hunting buffalo.
All those loaded guns gave them something to think
about, and they were told that all these weapons were
always ready in case people came to molest the French ;
and likewise that, as the latter were on a highway, they
always kept vigilant watch, knowing that the savages
were very reckless. They were told to bring to the fort
a chief from each tribe, because the French had some-
thing to communicate to them; and that if any greater
number of them came near the fort, the guns would be
fired at them. Six chiefs of those tribes came, whose
bows and arrows were taken away from them at the
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 19
gate. They were taken into the cabin of the command-
ant, who gave them [tobacco] to smoke, and regaled
them. When they saw all those loaded guns, they asked
him if he were afraid of his children ; he answered them
that he did not trouble himself much at such things, and
that he was a man who could kill others. They replied
to him, "It seems that thou art angry at us." The com-
mandant answered: "I am not angry, although I have
reason to be. The Spirit has informed me of your in-
tention; you intend to plunder my goods and put me
into the kettle, in order to advance against the Nadoii-
aissioux. He has told me to keep on my guard, and that
he will assist me if you affront me." Then they stood
stock-still and acknowledged to him that it was true;
but they said that he was a very indulgent father to
them, and that they were going to break up all the plans
of their young men. Perrot had them sleep in the fort
that night. The next day, early in the morning, their
army was seen, part of whom came to cry out that they
wished to trade. The commandant, who had only fif-
teen men, seized these chiefs, and told them that he was
going to have their heads broken if they did not make
their warriors retire; and at the same time the bastions
were manned. One of those chiefs climbed above the gate
of the fort, and cried, "Go no farther, young men; you
are dead; the spirits have warned Metaminens of your
resolution." Some of them tried to advance, and he said
to them, "If I go to you, I will break your heads;" and
they all retreated. The lack of provisions harassed
them, and the French took pity on them ; they had at the
time only provisions which were beginning to smell, but
gave these to the savages, who divided the food among
themselves. The commandant made them a present of
two guns, two kettles, and some tobacco, in order to
20 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
close to them, he said, the gate by which they were going
to enter the Nadouaissioux country, contending that they
should thereafter turn their weapons against the Iro-
quois, and that they should avail themselves of Onontio's
bow to shoot at his enemy, and of his club to lay violent
hands on the Iroquois families. They represented to
him that they would suffer greatly before they could
reach the Iroquois country, as they had no gunpowder
for hunting; and they entreated him to give them some
in exchange for the few beaver-skins that were left in
their hands. For this purpose the chiefs of each tribe
were permitted to enter the fort, one after another. All
being quite pacified, the French undertook to call to-
gether as many of the tribes as they could, to join the
French army which was going against the Iroquois. The
Pouteouatemis, the Malhominis, and the Puans willing-
ly offered their aid. The Outagamis, the Kikabous, and
the Maskoutechs, who were not accustomed to travel in
canoes, united with the Miamis, who were to proceed to
the strait which separates Lake Herier [i.e., Erie] from
the Lake of the Hurons, where there was a French fort,
in which they were to find supplies for going to Niagara.
The Outagamis and the Maskoutechs, having held
their war-feast, went in quest of another small village
of the same tribe which was on their route; they wished
to invite its warriors to join their party. At the time
some Loups and Sokokis were there, intimate friends of
the Iroquois; they dissuaded the people from this enter-
prise. They said that Onontio intended to put them into
the kettle of the Iroquois, under pretext of avenging the
deaths of the Miamis; that three thousand Frenchmen
would indeed be at Niagara, but that there was reason
to fear that all of them would unite together with the
Iroquois, and that, having unanimously sworn the ruin
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 21
of the allies, they would unquestionably come to carry
away the wives and children of the latter in all their vil-
lages. Those peoples blindly believed all that was said
to them, and refused to expose themselves in a situation
which seemed to them very dubious. The French
pressed forward in their journey, and arrived at Michili-
makinak, where they found the Outaouaks, who had been
unwilling to follow those who inhabited that quarter
[i.e., the Sauteurs] ; and of our men only a small num-
ber remained there, for the guard of the entrances [to
the fort].
The Outaoiiaks received the Pouteouatemis in mili-
tary fashion ; they assembled together behind a slope on
which they made a camp. The fleet of the Pouteouate-
mis making its appearance at an eighth of a league from
land, the Outaoiiaks -naked, and having no other orna-
ments than their bows and arrows -marched abreast,
and formed a sort of battalion. At a certain distance
from the water they suddenly began to defile, uttering
cries from time to time. The Pouteouatemis, on their
part, set themselves in battle array, in order to make
their landing. When the rear of the Outaouaks was
opposite the Pouteouatemis, whose ranks were close to
one another, they paddled more slowly. When they
were at a gunshot from the land, the Frenchmen who
were joined with the Outaouaks first fired a volley at
them, without balls ; the Outaouaks followed them with
loud shouts of "Sassakoue!" and the Pouteouatemis
uttered theirs. Then on both sides they reloaded their
arms, and a second volley was fired. Finally, when the
landing must be made, the Outaouaks rushed into the
water, clubs in their hands; the Pouteouatemis at once
darted ahead in their canoes, and came rushing on the
others, carrying their clubs. Then no further order was
22 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
maintained ; all was pell-mell, and the Outaouaks lifted
up their canoes, which they bore to the land. Such was
this reception, which on a very serious occasion would
have cost much bloodshed. The Outaouaks conducted
the chiefs into their cabins, where the guests were re-
galed.
Although they gave them a friendly welcome, the
Outaouaks did not at first know what measures to take
in order to turn aside these newcomers from their enter-
prise, to the end of excusing themselves from joining
the latter. They entreated the guests to wait a few days,
so that all might embark together. Meanwhile a canoe
arrived, which brought instructions from Monsieur de
Denonville for the march, and for the junction of the
French army with that of the allies. This canoe had
descried some Englishmen, who were coming to Mi-
chilimakinak in order to get possession of the com-
merce ; they had imagined that the French were indis-
crete enough to abandon during this time the most
advantageous post of the entire trade.
Three hundred Frenchmen, commanded by an officer,
went out to meet them. The Hurons, when informed
of this proceeding, without seeming to take notice of it,
went to join the English, with the intention of aiding
them; the Outaouaks remained neutral. The Chief
Nansouakoiiet alone took sides with the French, with
thirty of his men. The Hurons, fearing that the Outa-
ouaks, who were much more numerous than they in the
village, would lay violent hands on their families, did
not dare to fight as they had resolved ; so that the French
seized the English and their goods, and brought them to
Michilimakinak. They had brought a large quantity of
brandy, persuaded that this was the strongest attraction
for gaining the regard of the savages -who drank a
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 23
great deal of it, with which the greater number became
intoxicated so deeply, that several of them died. There
was reason to fear that the rest of the brandy would be
distributed to the Pouteouatemis ; [in that case] there
would have been a disorderly scene, which would have
prevented the departure of all those savages, who
longed for nothing more than to signalize themselves
against the Iroquois. One of the Frenchmen who had
brought them then said to them : "This is the time when
you must show that you are courageous; you have lis-
tened implicitly to the voice of your father Onontio,
who exhorts you to the war with the Iroquois, who wish
to destroy you. Thus far you have not distinguished
yourselves from the other tribes, who have made you
believe whatever they have wished, and who have re-
garded you as much inferior to themselves. Now it is
necessary that you make yourselves known, and the oc-
casion is favorable for that. The Outaouaks are only
seeking to delay matters, which will prevent them from
seeing the destruction of the Iroquois. We are taking
part in your glory, and we would be sorry if you were
not witnesses of the battle which will be fought against
the Tsonnontouans. You are fighting men; you can
give the lie to your allies who are not so courageous as
you ; and be sure that Onontio will know very well how
to recognize your valor. It is partly us Frenchmen,
partly men of the Pouteouatemis and from the bay, and
others of your own number, who urge you not to drink
brandy; it fetters the strength of the man, and renders
him spiritless and incapable of action. The English-
man is the father of the Iroquois. This liquor is per-
haps poisoned; moreover, you have just seen how many
Outaouaks are dead from [drinking] it."
The chiefs were well pleased with this discourse, and
24 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
inspired among their young men great aversion for the
brandy. The Outaouaks, however, deferred their de-
parture, and imperceptibly beguiled those peoples. They
assembled them together without the knowledge of the
Jesuit fathers and the French commandant. They pre-
sented to them a keg of brandy holding twenty-five
quarts [pots], and said to them: "We all are brothers,
who ought to form only one body, and possess but one
and the same spirit. The French invite us to go to war
against the Iroquois; they wish to use us in order to
make us their slaves. After we have aided in destroying
the enemy, the French will do with us what they do
with their cattle, which they put to the plow and make
them cultivate the land. Let us leave them to act alone ;
they will not succeed in defeating the Iroquois; this is
the means for being always our own masters. Here is
a keg of brandy, to persuade you regarding these propo-
sitions, which we hope that you will carry out."
The warriors rose, with great composure, without
replying, having left to the Outaouaks the keg of bran-
dy; and they went to find two others of the principal
Frenchmen who had accompanied them, whom they
informed of all that had occurred. The latter went to
address them the next morning before light, and en-
couraged them to persist in their good sentiments. The
Outaouaks continually returned to the charge; they
again sent the keg of brandy to the Pouteouatemis, who
were longing to drink from it -for one can say that it is
the most delicious beverage with which they can be
regaled -nevertheless, they did not dare to taste it. They
went to find those Frenchmen, and related to them this
new occurrence. The Frenchmen, annoyed at all these
solicitations by the Outaouaks, entered the Pouteou-
atenii cabin in which the brandy was ; and the savage
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 25
therein asked them what they wished the savages to do
with it. The Frenchmen answered, while breaking
open the keg with a hatchet, "Look here; this is what
you ought to do with it. You must do the same with the
Iroquois when you are in the fight; you must beat them
with your clubs, you must slay them without sparing
[even] the infants in the cradle. Put pitch on your ca-
noes this morning; we are embarking, and we wait for
no one." The Outaouaks, seeing that the canoes were
ready, asked for a day's time in order to join the expe-
dition; but our people took no notice of them. The
fleet of the Pouteouatemis therefore set out, in good
order, always having scouts out, who protected the ad-
vance. [From this point (top of page 205) to the top of
page 209, is briefly told the campaign against the Iro-
quois, which is more fully related by Perrot in the
Memoir e. - ED.]
The French voyageurs who had been among the allies
came to Montreal in order to purchase there new mer-
chandise; and at the same time the news came that the
church of the [Jesuit] missionaries at the bay, and a part
of their buildings, had been burned. There were some
Frenchmen who met great losses in this fire ; Sieur Per-
rot lost in it more than forty thousand francs' worth of
beaver-skins.
The auxiliary troops, returning to their own country,
made the report of their campaign; and they imparted
a great idea of the valor of Onontio, who had forced the
Iroquois themselves to set fire to their villages at the first
news of his arrival. The Loups and Sokokis, who had
given so bad an impression about the French to certain
peoples, adroitly retreated from these warriors, in order
not to be themselves treated like the Iroquois ; they went
by way of a small river which empties into the Missi-
26 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
sipi, and [thus] reached their native country. All those
who had taken sides with them repented of having done
so. One hundred Miamis set out with the deliberate
intention of making amends for the fault that they had
committed in not having taken part in the general
march ; they were sure that they would at least find, in
a certain hunting-ground, some party of Iroquois weak-
ened with hunger and misfortunes. They proceeded to
the road going to Niagara, where they found the French
garrison dead from hunger, except seven or eight per-
sons ; this mischance hindered them from going farther.
They guarded this fort during the winter, until the sur-
viving Frenchmen had been withdrawn from it.
Thirteen Maskoutechs, impatient to find out whether
what the Loups and Sokokis had said to them also
against the French were true, set out during the general
march in order to obtain information as to the truth of
that report; and they met three Miami slaves who, in
the rout of the Iroquois, had made their escape. The
Maskoutechs, returning with these women, found two
Frenchmen who were coming from the Islinois, laden
with beaver-skins ; they slew these men, and burned their
bodies, in order to hide their murder; they also killed
the Miamis and burned them and carried away their
scalps.2 When they arrived at their own village, they
2 The practice of scalping was not common to all the American tribes.
"The custom was not general, and in most regions where found was not even
ancient. The trophy did not include any part of the skull or even the whole
scalp. The operation was not fatal. The scalp was not always evidence of the
killing of an enemy, but was sometimes taken from a victim who was allowed
to live. It was not always taken by the same warrior who had killed or
wounded the victim. It was not always preserved by the victor. The war-
rior's honors were not measured by the number of his scalps. The scalp dance
was performed, and the scalps carried therein, not by the men, but by the
women." In earlier times, throughout most of America the trophy was the
head itself. "The spread of the scalping practice over a great part of central
and western United States was a direct result of the encouragement in the
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 27
uttered three cries for the dead, such as are usually
made when they carry back [news of] some advantage
gained over the enemy. They gave to their chiefs these
three scalps, which they said were those of Iroquois,
and two guns, which they did not acknowledge to be
those of the Frenchmen. Those chiefs sent these things
to the Miamis, who, in acknowledgment, gave them sev-
eral presents. Other Frenchmen who came back from
the Islinois recognized the guns of their comrades, and
not having any news of the latter, accused the Miamis
of having murdered them. The latter defended them-
selves, saying that the Maskoutechs had made them a
present of the guns, with three Iroquois scalps. Then
the Frenchmen made them profuse apologies for the
suspicion that they had felt that the Miamis had caused
the deaths of those two Frenchmen ; and they supposed
that their friends had fallen into the power of the Iro-
quois, whom the Maskoutechs had met on their way.
Monsieur the Marquis de Denonville, who had hu-
miliated the most haughty and redoubtable tribe in all
America, had no thought save to render happy the peo-
ple whose government the king had entrusted to him;
he was certain that the [Indian] trade could not be bet-
ter maintained than by sending back to the Outaouaks
all the voyageurs who had left [there] their property in
order to go to Tsonnontouan. He also despatched forty
Frenchmen to the Nadoiiaissioux, the most remote .tribe,
who could not carry on trade with us as easily as could
the other tribes ; the Outagamis had boasted of excluding
them from access to us. These last-mentioned French-
men, on their arrival at Michillimakinak, learned that
shape of scalp bounties offered by the colonial and more recent governments,
even down to within the last fifty years, the scalp itself being superior to the
head as a trophy by reason of its lighter weight and greater adaptability to
display and ornamentation." — JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
28 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
the Hurons had defeated a party of forty Iroquois, the
greater number of whom they had captured, but had
spared their lives. All the peoples of that region were
greatly alarmed at an attack which the Outagamis had
made on the Sauteurs. The former people, having
learned that the French were at the Bay of Puans, sent
three deputies to Monsieur du Luth,3 a captain of the
troops, to entreat him to come among them. He an-
swered them that he would not concern himself about
them, or settle their quarrels with the Sauteurs; that the
French were going to pass through their river, and that
they had three hundred loaded guns to fire at them if
they tried to place the least obstacle in his way. They
tried to justify themselves, by saying that their allies,
jealous of them, had mdde every effort to render them
odious to the French nation. They said that it was true
that some war-party of their young men, going to fight
against the Nadoiiaissioux, had encountered on the
enemy's territory some Sauteurs, from whom they had
taken three girls and a young man ; that when the people
of the bay asked them for these captives they had not
been able to refuse them, because the chiefs were wait-
ing for the Frenchman in order to send back the captives
to him. That commandant told them that he would not
make known his opinions to them, since they had so often
deceived him; and he continued his journey toward the
Nadoiiaissioux. A little while afterward he saw a ca-
noe with five men, who came paddling as hard as they
could. They were the chiefs of the Outagamis, who
3 Daniel Greysolon du Luth (Lhut) was especially prominent among North-
western explorers. An officer in the army of France, he came to Canada about
1676; two years later, he conducted a French expedition into the Sioux country.
He spent nearly ten years in explorations (mainly beyond Lake Superior) and
fur-trading; he was for a time commandant of the Northwest. In 1689, he
had returned to the St. Lawrence; he died in 1710. The city of Duluth, Minn.,
was named for him. - ED.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 29
came alongside of his boat with expressions so full of
grief that he could not forbear from going to their vil-
lage ; the reply that he had made to the three deputies
had caused so great consternation that they were incon-
solable at it. It was to their interest to stand well in the
opinion of the French, from whom they were receiving
all possible assistance ; and because they could only ex-
pect, as soon as the [French] trade with them had
ceased, to become the objects of opprobrium and the vic-
tims of their neighbors. The commandant entered the
cabin of the chief, who had a deer placed in the kettle;
when it boiled, the kettle and some of the raw meat were
placed before him, to regale all the Frenchmen. The
commandant disdained to taste it, because this meat, he
said, did not suit him, and when the Outagamis became
reasonable he would have some of it. They understood
very well the meaning of this compliment. They im-
mediately brought in the three girls and the young Sau-
teur. The chief began to speak, saying: "See how the
Outagami can be reasonable, and be minded as he is
therein. He spits out the meat which he had intended
to eat, for he has remembered that thou hadst forbidden
it to him ; and while it is between his teeth he spits it
out, and entreats thee to send it back to the place where
he seized it." The Frenchman told him that they had
done well in preserving the captives; that he remem-
bered the club that had been given to them in behalf of
their father Onontio, and that in giving it he had told
them that hereafter they should use it only against the
Iroquois. He told them that they themselves had as-
sured him that they would join the Frenchmen at De-
troit; but that now they were using the club on his own
body, and maltreating the families of the Sauteurs who
had gone with the French to war. He warned them
30 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
to be no longer foolish and wild ; and said that he would
once more settle this business. He told them to remain
quiet, and said that the Sauteurs would obey him, since
they had not killed any one, and were restoring the
people of the Outagamis. He directed the latter to hunt
beavers, and told them that, if they wished to be pro-
tected by Onontio, they must apply themselves to mak-
ing war against the Iroquois only. Some Frenchmen
were left with them to maintain the trade, and the rest
embarked.
The Pouteouatemis cut across the country, to reach
more quickly a portage * which lies between a river
that goes down to the bay, and that of Ouiskonch, which
falls into the Missisipi (about the forty-third degree of
latitude), in order to receive there these Frenchmen.
When the latter were twelve leagues from the portage,
they were stopped by the ice-floes. The Pouteouatemis,
impatient to find out what had happened to them, came
to meet them, and found them in a series of ice-floes
from which they had great difficulty in extricating them-
selves ; and immediately those savages sent to their vil-
lage to call out two hundred men, for the purpose of
carrying all the merchandise over to the shore of the
Ouiskonch River, which was no longer covered with ice.
The French then went to the Nadoiiaissioux country,
ascending the Missisipi. The Sauteurs were notified
that the French had taken away their daughters from
the hands of the Outagamis; and four of them came to
the bay, where the girls were, to get them, and displayed
to the Frenchmen all possible gratitude; they had reason
4 Alluding to the noted Fox-Wisconsin portage, long famous in the early
history of exploration and trade in the Northwest; there, in the rainy season, the
waters of those two great rivers flowed into each other, and the comparatively
easy "carry" between them made those streams the natural (and the only prac-
ticable) route of travel between Green Bay and the Mississippi. At that
point of transfer has arisen the modem city of Portage. — ED.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 31
to be highly pleased. But a very sad misfortune again
befell them ; this was, that when they had almost reached
home some Outagamis who were prowling about at-
tacked them, without knowing who they were. Terror
overcame them, and caused them to abandon the three
girls. The Outagamis did not dare to conduct the girls
to the Sauteurs, for fear of being devoured; and, un-
willing to expose them, alone, to losing their way in the
woods, they carried the girls home with them, consider-
ing them as free.
As soon as the Nadoiiaissioux saw that the rivers were
navigable they went down to the post of the Frenchmen,
and carried back the commandant to their village, where
he was received with pomp, after their fashion. He was
carried on a robe of beaver-skins, accompanied by a great
retinue of people who carried each a calumet, singing
the songs of alliance and of the calumet. He was carried
about the village, and led into the cabin of the chief.
As those peoples have the knack of weeping and of
laughing when they choose, several of them immediate-
ly came to weep over his head, with the same tenderness
which the Ayoes showed to him at the first time when he
went among them.5 However, these tears do not ener-
vate their spirits, and they are very good warriors; they
even have the reputation of being the bravest in all those
regions. They are at war with all the tribes, excepting
5 Note Cadillac's remarks concerning the Sioux, in his "Relation of Mis-
silimakinak," section v: "Indeed, it seldom happens that a Sioux is taken alive;
because, as soon as they see that they can no longer resist, they kill themselves,
considering that they are not worthy to live when once bound, vanquished, and
made slaves. It is rather surprising that people so brave and warlike as these
should nevertheless be able to shed tears at will, and so abundantly that it
can hardly be imagined. I think that it could not be believed without being
seen; for they are sometimes observed to laugh, sing, and amuse themselves,
when, at the same time, one would say that their eyes are like gutters filled by
a heavy shower; and, as soon as they have wept, they again become as joyful
as before, whether their joy be real or false." — ED.
32 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
the Sauteurs and the Ayoes; and even these last named
very often have disputes with them. Hardly does the
day begin when the Nadouaissioux bathe in their river,
and they even do the same with their children in swad-
dling-clothes; their reason is, that thus they gradually
accustom themselves to be in readiness at the least alarm.
They are of tall stature, and their women are extremely
ugly; they regard the latter as slaves. The men are,
moreover, jealous and very susceptible to suspicions;
from this arise many quarrels, and the greater part of
the time they get into general fights among themselves,
which are not quieted until after much bloodshed. They
are very adroit in [managing] their canoes; they fight
even to the death when they are surrounded by their
enemies, and when they have an opportunity to make
their escape they are very agile. Their country is a
labyrinth of marshes, which in summer protects them
from molestation by their enemies; if one [journeying]
by canoe is entangled in it, he cannot find his way; to go
to their village, one must be a Nadouaissioux, or have
long experience in that country, in order to reach his
destination. The Hurons have reason to remember an
exceedingly pleasant adventure which befell a hundred
of their warriors, who had gone to wage war on those
people. These Hurons, being embarrassed in a marsh,
were discovered; they saw the Nadouaissioux, who sur-
rounded them, and hid themselves as best they could in
the rushes, leaving only their heads above the water, so
that they could breathe. The Nadouaissioux, not know-
ing what had become of them, stretched beaver-nets on
the strips of land which separated their marshes, and to
these attached little bells. The Hurons, imagining that
the night-time would be very favorable for extricating
themselves from this situation, found themselves en-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 33
tangled among all these nets. The Nadoiiaissioux, who
were in ambush, heard the sound of the bells and at-
tacked the Hurons, of whom none could save himself
except one, whom they sent back to his own country to
carry the news of the affair. They are very lustful.
They live on wild oats, which is very abundant in their
marshes. Their country has also the utmost abundance
of beavers. The Kristinaux, who also are accustomed
to navigation, and their other enemies often compel
them to take refuge in places where they have no other
food than acorns, roots, and the bark of trees.
One of their chiefs, seeing that very few French were
left in the fort (which is near them) when all the tribes
marched against the Iroquois, raised a party of one hun-
dred warriors in order to plunder the fort. This French-
man displayed, on his return, the anger that he felt be-
cause they had acted so badly during his absence. The
[other] chiefs had not been concerned in that plan, and
came very near killing that chief; he was regarded, at
least after that, with great contempt. When the renewal
of the alliance was made the Frenchmen went back to
their fort. There was one of them who complained, on
going away, that a box of merchandise had been stolen
from him; it was quite difficult to ascertain who had
committed this theft, and recourse was had to a very odd
stratagem. The commandant told one of his men to
pretend to get some water in a cup in which he had put
some brandy. As it was evident that there was no
[other] means of recovering the box, they were threat-
ened with the burning and drying up the waters in their
marshes ; and to strengthen the effect of these menaces,
that brandy was set on fire. They were so terrified that
they imagined that everything was going to destruction ;
the merchandise was recovered, and then the French
34 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
returned to their fort. The Outagamis who had changed
their village [site] established themselves on the Mis-
sisipi after they separated (at the portages of the River
Ouiskonch) from the Frenchmen, who had taken the
route to the Nadoiiaissioux.
The chief came to find the French commandant, in
order to ask him to negotiate a peace with the Nadoiiais-
sioux. Some of the latter tribe came to trade their
peltries at the French fort, where they saw this chief,
whom they recognized as an Outagami. The Nadoii-
aissioux seemed surprised at this encounter; and at the
same time they formed the idea (but without showing
it) that the French were forming some evil plot against
their tribe. The commandant reassured them, and, pre-
senting to them the calumet, said that this was the chief
of the Outagamis, whom the French regarded as their
brother ever since his tribe had been discovered; and
that this chief ought not to be an object of suspicion,
since he had even come to propose peace with them
through the mediation of the French. "Smoke," said
this Frenchman, "my calumet ; it is the breast with which
Onontio suckles his children." The Nadoiiaissioux
asked him to have this chief smoke, and he did so ; but,
although the calumet is the symbol of union and recon-
ciliation, the Outagami did not fail to experience em-
barrassment in this situation. He afterward declared
that he did not feel very safe at that time. When he had
smoked, the Nadoiiaissioux did the same ; but they would
not come to any decision, because, as they were not
chiefs, they must notify their captains of this matter.
They nevertheless expressed to him their regret that his
tribe had been so easily influenced by the solicitations of
the Sauteurs, who had corrupted them with presents,
and who had caused the rupture of the peace which they
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 35
had concluded. This negotiation could not be finished
on account of the speedy departure of the French, who
had orders to return to the colony. Just as they set out,
the chiefs of the Nadoiiaissioux arrived, and brought
the calumet of peace- which would have been concluded
if our Frenchmen at their departure had dared to en-
trust to them the chief of the Outagamis. The Outa-
gamis had always kept the three Sauteur girls of whom
I have already spoken. Their dread of losing entirely
the good graces of the French -who were greatly dis-
pleased at the hostilities which that tribe had committed
against the Sauteurs- obliged them to forestall the lat-
ter by the relation which they made of all the circum-
stances attending the sojourn [among them] of the Sau-
teurs' daughters. It was evident that they were not to
blame, and they were charged to convey the girls back
to their own people.
The Iroquois, having been extremely harassed at
Tsonnontouan by Monsieur the Marquis de Denonville,
entreated the English to negotiate peace for them with
him ; and it was for the interest of that nation that no one
should disturb the tranquillity of their neighbors. As
peace still prevailed throughout Europe, the English
did not dare to declare themselves in favor of the Iro-
quois; they felt, however, very deeply the manner in
which the French treated those savages, without daring
to take their part or support them. The French com-
mander, who had in view only the tranquillity of his
allies and of the peoples under his government, informed
the English that he would willingly grant peace to the
Iroquois on condition that his allies [also] should be
included in it. He despatched his orders in every di-
rection to the end that the club should be hung up, and
that all the war-parties that might be raised against the
LA POTHERIE [Vol.
Iroquois should be halted. Besides this, presents were
sent to all the tribes, as a pledge of the good-will which
the French displayed toward them in a condition of
affairs which so greatly concerned their interests. The
Outaouaks were so incensed against the Iroquois that
they took no notice of these orders, and carried on war
against them more than ever. The Islinois were more
discreet, for as soon as they received the orders of Onon-
tio they tied up the hatchet; and as they were not will-
ing to remain thus in inaction they marched, to the num-
ber of twelve hundred warriors, against the Ozages and
the Accances15 (who are in the lower Missisipi coun-
try) , and carried away captive the people of a village
there. The neighboring peoples, having been apprised
of this raid, united together and attacked the Islinois
with such spirit that the latter were compelled to retreat
with loss. This repulse was very detrimental to them in
the course of time. The Outaouaks, who had followed
their own caprice without consulting the French com-
mandants who were at Michilimakinak, brought back
some captives ; and at night the cries for the dead were
heard abroad. The next day the smoke in their camp
was seen at the island of Michilimakinak; and they sent
a canoe to inform the village of the blow that they had
just struck. The Jesuit fathers hastened thither, in
16 The Osage are a Siouan tribe, one of the Dhegiha group, and are very
closely related to the Kansa. According to their traditions, these tribes in
their migration westward, "divided at the mouth of Osage River, the Osage
moving up that stream and the Omaha and Ponca crossing Missouri River and
proceeding northward, while the Kansa ascended the Missouri on the south
side to Kansas River." — Handbook Amer. Indians.
Dorsey in his "Migrations of the Siouan Tribes" (Amer. Naturalist, vol. xx,
211-222) says that the entire Dhegiha group lived together (before their
separation above noted), near the Ohio River, and were called "Arkansa" by
the Illinois tribes. "Accances" of our text is the same as Akansa, Akansea,
Kanza, etc., of the early writers, especially Marquette ; but these refer to the
Quapaw, another tribe of the above group. They, with the Osage and Kansa,
are now on reservations in (the former) Indian Territory. — ED.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 37
order to try to secure for the slaves exemption from the
volley of blows with clubs to which the captives were
usually treated on their arrival; but all their solicita-
tions could not move the Outaouaks, and even served
only to exasperate them. The canoes, which were close
together, made their appearance; there was only one
man paddling in each, while all the warriors responded
to the songs of the slaves, 1<J who stood upright, each hav-
16 "It may be doubted whether slavery, though so widespread as to have
been almost universal, existed anywhere among very primitive peoples, since
society must reach a certain state of organization before it can find lodgment.
It appears, however, among peoples whose status is far below that of civili-
zation." The region of the northwest coast "formed the stronghold of the
institution. As we pass to the eastward the practice of slavery becomes modi-
fied, and finally its place is taken by a very different custom. . . Investi-
gation of slavery among the tribes of the great plains and the Atlantic slope
is difficult Scattered through early histories are references to the subject, but
such accounts are usually devoid of details, and the context often proves them
to be based on erroneous conceptions. . . The early French and Spanish
histories, it is true, abound in allusions to Indian slaves, even specifying the
tribes from which they were taken; but the terms 'slave' and 'prisoner* were
used interchangeably in almost every such instance. . . With the exception of
the area above mentioned [the N.W. coast], traces of true slavery are wanting
throughout the region north of Mexico. In its place is found another institu-
tion that has been often mistaken for it. Among the North American Indians
a state of periodic intertribal warfare seems to have existed. . . In con-
sequence of such warfare tribes dwindled through the loss of men, women, and
children killed or taken captive. Natural increase was not sufficient to make
good such losses; for, while Indian women were prolific, the loss of children
by disease, especially in early infancy, was very great. Hence arose the
institution of adoption. Men, women, and children, especially the two latter
classes, were everywhere considered the chief spoils of war. When men
enough had been tortured and killed to glut the savage passions of the con-
querors, the rest of the captives were adopted, after certain preliminaries, into
the several gentes, each newly adopted member taking the place of a lost
husband, wife, son, or daughter, and being invested with the latter's rights,
privileges, and duties. It was indeed a common practice, too, for small parties
to go out for the avowed purpose of taking a captive to be adopted in the place
of a deceased member of the family. John Tanner, a white boy thus captured
and adopted by the Chippewa, wrote a narrative of his Indian life that is a
mine of valuable and interesting information. Adoption also occasionally
took place on a large scale, as when the Tuscarora were formally adopted as
kindred by the Seneca, and thus secured a place in the Iroquois League; or
when, after the Pequot War, part of the surviving Pequot were incorporated
into the Narraganset tribe by some form of adoption, and part into the Mo-
38 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
ing a wand in his hand. There were special marks on
each, to indicate those who had captured him. Grad-
ually they approached the shore, with measured ad-
vance. When they were near the land the chief of the
party rose in his canoe and harangued all the old men,
who were waiting for the warriors at the edge of the
water in order to receive them ; and having made a re-
cital to them of his campaign he told them that he placed
in their hands the captives whom he had taken. An old
man on the shore responded, and congratulated them in
began." Under certain conditions, the practice of adopting prisoners of war
might gradually be transformed into slavery, and it is possible that slave-
holding tribes may have substituted adoption ; the latter seems to have pre-
vailed wherever slavery did not exist. Those who were actually slaves had
no social status in the tribe, whether they had been captured in war or pur-
chased; but "the adopted person was in every respect the peer of his fellow-
tribesmen," and had the same opportunity for advancement or office that would
have belonged to the person in whose place he was adopted — unless he were a
poor hunter or a coward, in which case he was despised and ill-treated. "It
was the usual custom to depose the coward from man's estate, and, in native
metaphor, to 'make a woman' of him. Such persons associated ever after with
the women, and aided them in their tasks." Female captives might become the
legal wives of men in their captors' tribe ; but such women were probably often
the objects of jealousy in the husband's other wives. White captives were often
adopted into Indian tribes, but after the beginning of the border wars were
most often held for ransom, or sometimes sold in European settlements for a
cash payment. "The practice of redeeming captives was favored by the mis-
sionaries and settlers with a view to mitigating the hardships of Indian war-
fare. The spread of Indian slavery among the tribes of the central region was
in part due to the efforts of the French missionaries to induce their red allies
to substitute a mild condition of servitude for their accustomed practice of
indiscriminate massacre, torture, and cannibalism (see Dunn's Indiana; 1905)."
White captives were always ready to escape, and were welcomed back by their
friends, "whereas in the case of the Indian, adoption severed all former
social and tribal ties. The adopted Indian warrior was forever debarred from
returning to his own people, by whom he would not have been received. His
fate was thenceforth inextricably interwoven with that of his new kinsmen."
Runaway negroes early came into the possession of the southern tribes, and
thus were slaves ; but they often married the Indians and were otherwise treated
like members of the tribe. Europeans made a practice of enslaving or selling
into slavery captive Indians, many of whom were shipped to the West Indies.
"In the early days of the colonies the enslavement of Indians by settlers seems
to have been general." — H. W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 39
most complaisant terms. Finally the warriors stepped
ashore, all naked, abandoning to pillage, according to
their custom, all their booty. An old man came, at the
head of nine men, to conduct the captives to a place at
one side ; there were five old men and four youths. The
women and the children immediately ranged themselves
in rows, very much as is done when some soldier is
flogged through the lines. The young captives, who
were very agile, quickly passed through; but the old
men were so hardly used that they bled profusely. The
former were awarded to masters, who spared their lives ;
but the old men were condemned to the flames. They
were placed on the Manilion, which is the place where
the captives are burned, until the chiefs had decided
to which tribe they should be handed over. The Jesuit
fathers and the commandants were greatly embarrassed,
in so delicate a situation ; for they feared that the five
Iroquois tribes would complain of the little care which
the French took of their people at the very time when
there was discussion of a general peace. They sent a
large collar of porcelain to redeem the captives; the
Outaouaks insolently replied that they would be masters
of their own actions, without depending on any one
whatsoever. Sieur Perrot, who was at Michilimakinak
with the three Sauteur girls, had a strong ascendency
over the minds of those peoples ; and he was called upon
to make in person the demand for the captives. He went
to the cabin of their council of war, with a collar, ac-
companied by those persons who had presented the first
one. He passed in front of the Manilion, on which the
prisoners, who awaited their fate, were singing; he made
them sit down, and told them to cease their songs. Some
Outaouaks roughly ordered them to continue ; but Per-
rot replied to these that he intended that the captives
40 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
should be silent, and he actually silenced their guards,
telling the slaves that soon he would be the master of
their bodies. He entered the council, where he found
all the old men, who had already pronounced sentence;
one was to be burned at the Bay of Puans, the second at
the Saut, and the three others at Michilimakinak. Per-
rot was not disconcerted by that; he hung his porcelain
collar to a pole when he entered, and addressed them
nearly in this manner:
"I come to cut the cords on the dogs ; I am not willing
that they should be eaten. I have pity on them, since
my father Onontio takes pity on them, and even has com-
manded me to do so. You Outaouaks are like bears who
have been tamed ; when one gives them a little freedom,
they will no longer recognize those who have reared
them. You no longer remember the protection of Onon-
tio, without which you would not possess any country;
I am maintaining you in it, and you are living in peace.
When he asks from you a few tokens of obedience, you
wish to lord it over him, and to eat the flesh of those
people, whom he will not abandon to you. Take care
lest you are unable to swallow them, and lest Onontio
snatch them by force from between your teeth. I speak
to you as a brother; and I think that I am taking pity on
your children when I cut the bonds of your captives."
This discourse did not seem very compelling for ob-
taining a favor of this sort; nevertheless, it had all the
success that one could desire. Indeed, one of the chiefs
began to speak, and said: "See, it is the master of the
land who speaks; his canoe is always full of captives
whom he sets free, and how can we refuse him?" They
sent word immediately to bring the captives, to whom
they granted life in open council.
The liberty which these five old men came to enjoy
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 41
was a result of chance, or rather of caprice. One must
be very politic in order to manage those peoples, who so
easily stray from their duty; they should not be flattered
much, and likewise should not be reduced to despair.
They are managed only by solid and convincing argu-
ments, which must be gently placed before them, but
without sparing those people when they are in the
wrong; but it is necessary to keep them up with hopes,
making them understand that they will be rewarded
when they have deserved it.
As all the tribes were to send deputies to Montreal, to
be present at the general peace, the Outaouaks thought
it opportune to send to Monsieur de Denonville two of
those liberated captives, to the end that so authentic an
example of their generosity might shine in the general
council. They desired that Perrot should let the cap-
tives be seen beforehand in their own country, in order
thus to induce the Five Nations to commit no further
act of hostility against them, but to be very cautious to
use this means without the order of the general. He
told them that he did not know of any open door among
the Iroquois except that indicated by the ordinary road,
which was the only one by which he could enter; and
that ever since he had had access to the cabin of Onon-
tio, and had warmed himself at his fire, he would go, if
Onontio wished to open the door of the Iroquois, to
carry his message to all of his villages if he should com-
mand him to do so. The Outaouaks were pleased with
these arguments ; they recommended to him the interests
of their tribe, and entreated him to be their spokesman
in the general council. They gave him Petite Racine
[i.e., "Little Root"], one of their chiefs, who had orders
only to make a report of all the deliberations ; and they
assured him that, if unfortunately he were killed on the
42 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
journey through the Iroquois country, they would
avenge his death, and that they would never consent to a
peace until they had first sacrificed to his spirit many of
the Iroquois families. This was in truth the most con-
vincing proof of the esteem which they felt for him.
But the affairs of the colony entirely changed their as-
pect; if the most powerful states are sometimes subject
to revolutions, we say that distant countries, [even] the
most stable, are also exposed to cruel catastrophes. In-
deed Canada, which had never been so flourishing, sud-
denly found itself, so to speak, the prey of its enemies.
All the tribes who heard the French name mentioned
wished only for means of forming alliance with our na-
tion; and those who were already known to us found
that it was very agreeable to be under our protection.
On the other hand, its enemies found themselves hu-
miliated in the sight of an infinite number of peoples.
Even the English, affected by the disaster to their
friends, in some sort implored the good graces of him
who had chastised the latter. Nothing, therefore, was
more glorious for the Marquis de Denonville, but noth-
ing was more touching than the occasion when he beheld
utter desolation in the center of his government. It was
then that the Iroquois came suddenly to the island of
Montreal, to the number of fifteen hundred warriors;
they put to the sword all that they encountered in the
space of seven leagues.17 They rendered themselves
17 This refers to the sudden raid made by the Iroquois against the island
of Montreal in 1689; on Aug. 25 of that year 1,500 of those savages surprised
the village of Lachine, near Montreal, and slew or took captive all its inhabi-
tants; and thence they ravaged the entire island with fire and sword. This
fearful disaster caused terror in all the French settlements, and made many of
the friendly tribes waver in their allegiance to France; but in the same year
Count de Frontenac was sent to Canada for a second term as governor, and
his able rule soon restored peace and safety. This Iroquois raid was doubtless
caused by resentment on the part of the Five Nations at Denonville's punitive
expedition into their country in 1687, and still more by his treacherous seizure
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 43
masters of the open country by using the cover of the
woods; and no person could set foot on the land along
the river who was not captured or killed. They spread
themselves on every side with the same rapidity as does
a torrent. Nothing could resist the fury of those bar-
barians, no matter what action was taken to furnish aid
to those whom our people saw carried away [into cap-
tivity], or to resist the various parties of the enemy. The
French were compelled to shut themselves at once with-
in two wretched little forts ; and if the Flemings had not
warned them to be very careful to remain close to the
forts it may be said that the enemy would have made an
end of them with the same facility that they did of all
the settlements that they ravaged. The open counry was
laid waste; the ground was everywhere covered with
corpses, and the Iroquois carried away six-score captives,
most of whom were burned ; but these are misfortunes
which ought not to cause the least damage to the glory
of a general. It is not surprising that the savages came
to make incursions and raids into so vast a region. The
skill of these peoples is, to avoid combats in open coun-
try, because they do not know how to offer battle or make
evolutions therein; their manner of conducting battles
is altogether different from that of Europe. The for-
ests are the most secure retreats, in which they fight ad-
vantageously; for it is agreed that these fifteen hundred
warriors would have cut to pieces more than six thousand
men, if the latter should advance into the mountainous
country where the savages were. There are no troops
of the sort that are in Europe who could succeed in such
an enterprise, not only in equal but even in far superior
numbers.
of a number of their chiefs, whom he sent to work on the galleys in France — an
act which violated the law of nations even the most primitive, and was both
dastardly and cruel. — ED.
44 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
Chapter XVII
La Petite Racine ["Little Root"], who had come [to
Montreal] on behalf of his tribe to be a witness of all
that should take place in the general peace council,
found an altogether extraordinary change in the con-
dition of affairs; he traded the peltries that he had
brought down, and promptly returned home. Monsieur
Denonville despatched with him a canoe, by which he
sent his orders to Monsieur de la Durantaye, comman-
dant at Michilimakinak. This chief, on his return,
caused universal alarm. The Outaouaks informed all
the tribes of the devastation that had been inflicted upon
the French, and entreated all the chiefs to come to
Michilimakinak, that they might consult together upon
the measures that ought to be taken regarding the
wretched condition into which they were going to be
plunged. They resolved in their general council to
send to Tsonnontouan some deputies, with two of those
Iroquois old men whom they had set free, in order to
assure the Iroquois that they would have no further con-
nection with the French, and that they desired to main-
tain with the Iroquois a close alliance.
The Hurons feigned not to join in the revolt of the
Outaouaks; the policy of those peoples is so shrewd
that it is difficult to penetrate its secrets. When they
undertake any enterprise of importance against a nation
whom they fear, especially against the French, they seem
to form two parties -one conspiring for and the other
opposing it; if the former succeed in their projects, the
latter approve and sustain what has been done; if their
designs are thwarted, they retire to the other side. Ac-
cordingly, they always attain their objects. But such
was not the case in this emergency; they were so terrified
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 45
by La Petite Racine's report that neither the Jesuits nor
the commandant could pacify those people - who re-
proached them, with the most atrocious insults, saying
that the French had abused them. Matters reached so
pitiable a condition that Monsieur de la Durantaye had
need of all his experience and good management to keep
his fort and maintain the interests of the colony -an
undertaking that any other man would have abandoned ;
for the savages are fickle, take umbrage at everything,
are time-serving, and are seldom friends except as ca-
price and self-interest induce them to act as such; it is
necessary to take them on their weak side, and to profit
by certain moments when one can penetrate their de-
signs.
Soon afterward, Monsieur the Marquis de Dcnon-
ville was recalled to court, his majesty having appointed
him sub-governor to Monsieur the Duke of Bourgogne
[i.e., Burgundy]. Monsieur the Count de Frontenac
succeeded him, and arrived in Canada at the end of
October, 1689. Monsieur de la Durantaye, who had
remained at Michilimakinak, despatched a canoe to the
new governor, to acquaint him with all the movements
of the Outaouaks, and, as he held only a temporary com-
mand in the post which he was occupying, Monsieur de
Frontenac sent Monsieur de Louvigni to relieve him.
That governor was of opinion, at the outset, that it was
desirable to make known his arrival to all the tribes;
Perrot was the man whom he selected for that purpose;
he ordered him, at the same time, to make every effort to
pacify the troubles that the Outaouaks might have occa-
sioned in those regions. He was accordingly despatched
with Monsieur de Louvigni, who cut to pieces, at fifty
leagues from Montreal, a party of sixty Iroquois; three
of these he sent as prisoners to Monsieur de Frontenac,
46 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
and another he took with him. He also carried away
many scalps, in order to show them to the Outaouaks, in
the hope of bringing about a reconciliation with them;
but those peoples had already secured the start of him,
lest they should draw upon themselves the indignation
of the Iroquois. On the route the French learned,
through the Missisakis, that La Petite Racine had gone
as ambassador to the Iroquois with two chiefs; that
nothing had been heard about them since, except that
it was said that one of them was yet to depart. This news
induced Monsieur de Louvigni to send Perrot with two
canoes to Michilimakinak, to inform the French of his
arrival. As soon as he came in sight of the place, he
displayed the white flag, and his men uttered loud shouts
of "Vive le Roi!" The French judged, by that, that
some good news had come from Montreal. The Outa-
ouaks ran to the edge of the shore, not in the least under-
standing all these outcries ; as they were thoroughly per-
suaded that our affairs were in very bad condition, they
were so politic as to say that they would receive in war-
like fashion the French who were on the way. They
were warned that our usages were different from theirs;
we were unwilling that they should swarm into our ca-
noes to pillage them, as is their custom in regard to
nations who come back victorious from any military ex-
pedition, abandoning whatever is in their canoes; we
preferred that they should be content with receiving
presents. Warning was sent to Monsieur de Louvigni
that he would be received in military array, with all the
Frenchmen whom he was bringing; all sorts of precau-
tions were taken lest we should be duped by those peo-
ples, who were capable of laying violent hands on us
when we were least expecting such action. The canoes
came into view, at their head the one in which was the
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 47
Iroquois slave; according to custom, he was made to
sing, all the time standing upright. The Nepiciriniens
who had accompanied the Frenchmen responded with
them, keeping time, by loud shouts of "Sassakoue!" fol-
lowed by volleys of musketry. A hundred Frenchmen
of Michilimakinak were stationed, under arms, on the
water's edge at the foot of their village ; they had only
powder in their guns, but had taken the precaution to
place bullets in their mouths. The fleet, which pro-
ceeded in regular array, as if it were going to make a
descent on an enemy's country, gradually came near.
When the canoes neared the village of the Outaouaks, 18
they halted, and the Iroquois was made to sing; a volley
of musket-shots, to which the Outaouaks responded, ac-
companied his song. The fleet crossed, in nearly a
straight line, to the French village, but did not at once
come to land. The Outaouaks hastened, all in battle
array, to the landing-place, while the men in the canoes
replied to the prisoner's songs with loud yells and firing
of guns, as also did the French of Michilimakinak. At
last, when it was necessary to go on shore, Monsieur de
Louvigni had his men load their guns with ball, and
disembark with weapons ready; the Outaouaks stood at
a little distance on the shore, without making any further
demonstration.
The Hurons-who, although they have been at all
times very unreliable, had seemed greatly attached to
our interests amid the general conspiracy of the Outa-
ouaks-demanded the slave, in order to have him
burned;19 the other tribes were jealous of that prefer-
18 The French post of Michilimackinac then stood on the mainland, at the
site of the present St. Ignace. There were three separate villages, those of
the French, Hurons, and Ottawas. A detailed map, showing these, is found in
La Hontan's Voyages (ed. 1741, Amsterdam, tome i, 156) ; this is reproduced
in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xvi, 136.- ED.
19 "The treatment accorded captives was governed by those limited ethical
48 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
ence. The Huron chiefs, who were very politic, after
many deliberations warned their people not to put him
in the kettle; their object in this was to render them-
concepts which went hand in hand with clan, gentile, and other consanguine a 1
organizations of Indian society. From the members of his own consanguineal
group, or what was considered such, certain ethical duties were exacted of an
Indian which could not be neglected without destroying the fabric of society or
outlawing the transgressor. Toward other clans, gentes, or bands of the same
tribe his actions were also governed by well recognized customs and usages
which had grown up during ages of intercourse; but with remote bands or
tribes good relations were assured only by some formal peace-making cere-
mony. A peace of this kind was very tenuous, however, especially where there
had been a long-standing feud, and might be broken in an instant. Toward
a person belonging to some tribe with which there was neither war nor peace,
the attitude was governed largely by the interest of the moment. . . If the
stranger belonged to a clan or gens represented in the tribe he was among, the
members of that clan or gens usually greeted him as a brother and extended
their protection over him. Another defense for the stranger was — what with
civilized people is one of the best guaranties against war — the fear of dis-
turbing or deflecting trade. . . If nothing were to be had from the stranger,
he might be entirely ignored. And, finally, the existence of a higher ethical
feeling toward strangers, even when there was apparently no self-interest to
be served in hospitality, is often in evidence. . . At the same time the
attitude assumed toward a person thrown among Indians too far from his own
people to be protected by any ulterior hopes or fears on the part of his captors
was usually that of master to slave. . . The majority of captives, however,
were those taken in war. These were considered to have forfeited their lives and
to have been actually dead as to their previous existence. It was often thought
that the captive's supernatural helper had been destroyed or made to submit
to that of the captor, though where not put to death with torture to satisfy the
victor's desire for revenge and to give the captive an opportunity to show his
fortitude, he might in a way be reborn by undergoing a form of adoption.
It is learned from the numerous accounts of white persons who had been taken
by Indians that the principal hardships they endured were due to the rapid
movements of their captors in order to escape pursuers, and the continual
threats to which they were subjected," threats which were, however, seldom
carried out; and a certain amount of consideration was often shown toward
captive women and children. "It is worthy of remark that the honor of a
white woman was almost always respected by her captors among the tribes
east of the Mississippi; but west of that limit, on the plains, in the Columbia
River region, and in the southwest, the contrary was often the case." The
disposal of the captives taken by war-parties varied in many ways. Running
the gauntlet, dancing for the entertainment of their captors, tortures of various
kinds, and often burning at the stake (sometimes accompanied by cannibalism),
were among the methods of their reception in the enemy's country; but the
majority were regarded and treated as slaves by their captors, being sometimes
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 49
selves acceptable to the Iroquois, in case peace should
be made with that people, by the distinguished service
which they would have rendered to one of their chiefs by
saving him from the fire ; but we very plainly saw their
design. The Outaouaks, who were greatly offended,
could not refrain from saying that it would be necessary
to eat him. That Iroquois was surprised that a mere
handful of Hurons, whom his own people had enslaved,
should have prevailed on an occasion of such impor-
tance.
The father who was missionary to the Hurons, fore-
seeing that this affair might have results which would
be prejudicial to his cares for their instruction, demand-
ed permission to go to their village that he might con-
strain them to find some way by which the resentment
of the French might be appeased. He told them that
the latter peremptorily ordered them to put the Iro-
quois in the kettle and that, if they did not do so, the
French must come to take him away from them and
place him in their own fort. Some Outaouaks who hap-
pened to be present at the council said that the French
were right. The Hurons then saw themselves con-
strained to beg the father to tell the French, on their
behalf, that they asked for a little delay, in order that
they might bind him to the stake. They did this, and
began to burn his fingers; but the slave displayed so
great lack of courage, by the tears that he shed, that they
judged him unworthy to die a warrior's death, and de-
spatched him with their weapons.
The chiefs of all the nations at Michilimakinak were
sold to other tribes, and sometimes ransomed (especially when whites). Often
a captive was adopted to take the place of some person who had died, and
thus was liberated from slavery. Most women and children were preserved
and adopted ; and the Iroquois adopted entire bands or even tribes in order to
recruit their own population. — JOHN R. SWANTON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
[Cf. vol. i, footnote 134. — ED.]
50 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
summoned to meet at the house of the Jesuit fathers;
and before each one was placed a present of guns, am-
munition, and tobacco. Our envoy represented to them
their short-sightedness in abandoning the interests of
the French nation to embrace those of the Iroquois,
whose only desire was for such a rupture. They were
told that Onontio, who had every reason to abandon
them, was nevertheless touched with compassion for his
children, whom he desired to bring back to himself ; and
that he had sent the band of Frenchmen who had just
arrived among them, striving to restore to the right path
their minds, which had gone astray. That those houses
burned on Montreal Island by the Iroquois, and the few
corpses that they had seen in the unexpected invasion
which the latter had made there, ought not to have such
an effect on their minds as to persuade them that all was
lost in the colony; that the Iroquois would not derive
much profit from a blow which would far more redound
to their shame than to the glory of true warriors, since
they had come at that very time to ask for peace. That
the French nation was more numerous than they im-
agined; that they must look upon it as a great river
which never ran dry, and whose course could not be
checked by any barrier. That they ought to regard the
five Iroquois nations as five cabins of muskrats in a
marsh which the French would soon drain off, and then
burn them there; that they could be satisfied that the
hundred women and children who had been treacher-
ously carried away would be replaced by many soldiers,
whom the great Onontio, the king of France, would send
to avenge them. That since our Onontio of Canada, the
Count de Frontenac, had arrived at Quebec, he had
made the English feel the strength of his arms, by the
various war-parties that he had sent into their country;
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 51
that even the Nepiciriniens who had recently come up to
Michilimakinak with Monsieur de Louvigni had given
us no little aid in putting five large English villages to
fire and sword; that Onontio was powerful enough to
destroy the Iroquois, the English, and their allies. Fi-
nally, if any one of these tribes undertook to declare
themselves in favor of the Iroquois, he gave them liberty
to do so, but he would not consent that those who wielded
the war-club to maintain their own interests should here-
after dwell upon his lands; that, if they preferred to be
Iroquois, we would become their enemies; and that it
would be seen, without any further explanations, who
should remain master of the country.
The chief of the Cinagos, rising in the council, spoke
in these terms: "My brother the Outaouak, vomit
forth thy hateful feelings and all thy plots. Return to
thy father, who stretches out his arms, and who is, more-
over, not unable to protect thee." Nothing more was
needed to overturn all the schemes of the malcontents.
The chiefs of each nation protested that they would
undertake no action against the will of their father. But,
whatever assurance they gave of their fidelity, most of
them, seeing their designs foiled, sought to thwart us by
other subterfuges. They did not dare, it is true, to carry
out their resolution - either because they were unwill-
ing to risk a combat with the French, who were only
waiting for a final decision; or because they did not
know how they could transport their families to the Iro-
quois country- but all their desire was for the time when
they could open the way for a large troop from that
nation who could carry them away. They decided,
however, in a secret conclave that they would send to
the Iroquois the same deputies on whom they had pre-
viously agreed; and that, if their departure should un-
52 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
fortunately be discovered, the old men should disown
them. This mystery was not kept so hidden that we did
not receive warning of it. A Sauteur came to warn
Perrot of their intention; one of their deputies entering
his cabin a little later, he reproached him for it. But, as
the savage is by nature an enemy of deceit, this man
could not long disguise his sentiments ; and he admitted
that his brother was at the head of that embassy. Mon-
sieur de Louvigni did not hesitate to call together all the
chiefs, whom he sharply rebuked for their faithlessness.
The Outaouaks thought that they could exculpate them-
selves by casting all the blame upon the man who was to
go away. Messengers were sent for him, and never did
a man seem more ashamed than he when he saw that he
must appear before the council; he entered the place
with the utmost mortification in his face. His brother
said to him: "Our chiefs are throwing the stone at
thee, and they say that they know nothing about thy de-
parture for the Iroquois." Perrot took up the word,
saying: "My brother, how is this? I thought that thou
wast the supporter of the French who are at Michili-
makinak. When the attack was made at Tsonnontouan,
all the Outaouaks gave way ; thou alone, with two others,
didst second the French. At all times thou hast kept
nothing for thyself; when thou hadst anything thou
gavest it to the French, whom thou didst love as thine
own brothers; yet now thou wouldst, against the wishes
of thy tribe, betray us. Onontio, who remembers thee,
has told me to reward thee ; I do not think that thou art
capable of opposing his wishes." He gave the man a
brasse of tobacco and a shirt, and continued : "See what
he has given me to show thee that he remembers thee.
Although thou hast done wrong, I will give thee some-
thing to smoke, so that thou mayest vomit up or swallow
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 53
whatever thou hast intended to do against him ; and thy
body, which is soiled by treason, shall be made clean by
this shirt, which will make it white." That chief was so
overcome with sorrow that it was a long time before he
could speak; he recovered himself somewhat, and, ad-
dressing the old men, with an air full of pride and con-
tempt, said to them: "Employ me in future, old men,
when you undertake to plot anything against my father -
he who remembers me, and against whom I have taken
sides. I belong wholly to him ; and never will I take
part against the French." Then turning toward Perrot,
he said to him: "I will not lie to thee. When thou
didst arrive, I went near thee, intending to embrace
thee; but thou didst regard me unkindly. I thought
that thou hadst abandoned me, because I had been to the
Iroquois with La Petite Racine. When thou didst speak
to the tribes, I withdrew, in order to divert them from
the design that we all had of giving ourselves to the Iro-
quois. They did not dare to oppose thee; but at night
they held a council in a cabin (from which they turned
out all the women and children), to which I was sum-
moned. They deputed me to return to the Iroquois, and
I believed that thou hadst a grudge against me; those
reasons constrained me to yield to what they demanded
from me."
Those peoples could no longer maintain their evil de-
sign ; the explanations that had just been made checked
its progress; but they always kept up a very surly feel-
ing against the French nation, and, although they saw
that they were unable to compass their object, they did
not fail again to stir up opposition against us, in order
to annoy us. The jealousy that they felt because we
made presents of a few gold-trimmed jackets to some
Hurons, who had appeared to be our friends in this af-
54 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
fair, inspired in them a new stratagem. They knew that
the Miamis, our allies, were at war with the Iroquois;
and they resolved to attack the former, who did not mis-
trust their design, that they might force the Miamis
themselves to make peace with the Iroquois. The Sau-
teur who had already ascertained that the Outaouaks
had intended to send deputies to the Iroquois also
learned that two canoes were to go to break heads among
the Miamis ; but we again broke up their plans, and pre-
vented this act.
The Outagamis and the Maskoutechs, wishing to sec-
ond the Outaouaks at the time when they took sides with
the Iroquois -who had sent them a large collar, in order
to thank them for having restored to them five chiefs
whom they had captured when on a hostile expedition
against the Islinois- resolved, to do the Iroquois a plea-
sure, to massacre all the French who were coming down
from the country of the Nadouaissioux. They per-
suaded themselves that they would, by such a massacre,
attract to themselves the friendship of that haughty
nation, who had appeared greatly pleased when the
Outagamis had sent back to them five slaves of their na-
tion, whom the Miamis had given to them to eat.
The arrival of the French at Michilimakinak was
heard of at La Baye. The chief of the Puans, a man of
sense, who greatly loved our nation, resolved to thwart
the plot to kill our people. He went to find the Outa-
gamis, and made them believe that Onontio had sent La
Petit Bled d'Inde [i.e., Perrot] with three hundred Iro-
quois from the Sault, as many more Abenaquis, 20 all the
20Abnaki (a term derived from Algonkin words meaning "east-land," or
"morning-land"), "a name used by the English and French to designate an
Algonquian confederacy centering in the present state of Maine, and by the
Algonquian tribes to include all those of their own stock resident on the Atlantic
seaboard, more particularly the 'Abnaki' in the north and the Delawares in the
south. . . In later times, after the main body of the Abnaki had removed
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 55
Nepiciriniens, and six hundred Frenchmen, to revenge
himself for their evil project. The Outagamis precipi-
tately quitted their ambuscade, and went back to their
village. This chief, who was afraid that they would
learn of his ruse, went to meet Perrot at the entrance of
the bay; the latter promised to keep his secret, and pre-
sented to him a gold-trimmed jacket. A contrary wind
compelled them to halt there for a time, and Perrot had
an opportunity to become acquainted with all that had
occurred at the bay. The Outagamis had taken thither
their hatchets, which were dulled and broken, and had
compelled a Jesuit brother to repair them; their chief
held a naked sword, ready to kill him, while he worked.
The brother tried to represent to them their folly, but
was so maltreated that he had to take to his bed. The
chief then prepared ambuscades, in order to await the
French who were to return from the country of the
Nadouaissioux. All the peoples of the bay had, it is
true, good reason to complain, because our people had
gone to carry to their enemies all kinds of munitions of
war; and one could not be astonished that we had so
much difficulty in managing all those people. Perrot
sent back the Puan chief to the Outagamis, to tell them
on his behalf that he had learned of their design against
his young men, and would punish them for it; and, to
let them know that he was not disturbed by all their
threats, that he had sent back all his men, except fifty
Frenchmen; that he had three hundred musket-shots to
fire, and enough ammunition with which to receive
them ; that if he should by chance encounter any one of
their tribe, he could not answer for the consequences;
to Canada, the name was applied more especially to the Penobscot tribe."
The Sokoki were one of the tribes in this confederacy. In 1903 the Abnaki of
Canada (which include remnants of other New England tribes) numbered
395 ; and the Penobscot of Maine say that their present population is between
300 and 400. — JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
56 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
and that it would be useless for them to ask him to land
at their village.
The Puan chief returned to the bay, where he ex-
aggerated still further what Perrot had said to him.
The Renard chief visited him expressly to ascertain the
truth of the matter, and dared not wait for Perrot. He
departed with eighty of his warriors to march against
the Nadouaissioux, after he had given orders to the
people of his village to assure Perrot in his behalf that
he loved him, and to take great pains to entertain him
well. He proceeded to the post of the Frenchmen who
were sojourning in the country of the Nadouaissioux;
as they were afraid of him, they gave him presents -a
gun, a shirt, a kettle, and various munitions of war; and
he told them that Le Petit Bled d'Inde had resolved to
recall them to the bay. This news, which was not very
agreeable to them, induced them to quit that establish-
ment; and they retired to a place eighty leagues farther
inland, where they engaged the Nadouaissioux to go
hunting, and to return to them in the winter. The
Outagamis profited by this opportunity to attack the
Nadouaissioux, of whom they slew many, and took sev-
eral captives. The alarm was immediately given among
the villages; the warriors fell upon them, and likewise
slew many of the Outagamis, and took some captives.
The chief fought on the retreat with extraordinary cour-
age, and would have lost many more of his people if he
himself had not made so firm a stand at the head of his
band.
Chapter XVIII
The Miamis, who had heard the report that Perrot
would soon arrive at the bay, set out to visit him, to the
number of forty, loaded with beaver-skins ; when they
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 57
came near the house of the Jesuits, 21 canoes were sent to
them that they might cross a little stream. The chief
sent his young warriors to erect some cabins ; when these
had been made, they all resorted thither, in order to con-
sult about the interview that they expected to hold with
Sieur Perrot. An accident happened to a Saki who was
at the time in his cabin ; while he was sitting in the floor,
a kettle which hung over the fire fell over him, and part
of his body was burned, as he wore only an old raccoon-
skin. He uttered a yell, with contortions that made
those who were present laugh, despite the compassion
which they could not help feeling for him. A French-
man said to him, jestingly, that a man as courageous as
he was ought not to fear the fire; that it was the proper
thing for a warrior such as he to sing; but that, to show
him that he felt grieved at the accident, he would lay
over the scalded part a plaster, consisting of a brasse of
tobacco. The Saki replied that such an act showed good
sense; and that the tobacco had entirely healed him.
The Miamis sent to beg Perrot to visit them in their
cabins, that he might point out to them a place where
he desired them to assemble. The place of rendezvous
was at the house of the Jesuits, to which they brought
one hundred and sixty beaver-skins, which they piled in
two heaps. The Miami chief, standing by one of them,
21 In this connection may be mentioned a most interesting relic owned by
the Roman Catholic diocese of Green Bay, and deposited in the State Historical
Museum at Madison, Wis. It is an ostensorium or monstrance of silver, fifteen
inches high, of elaborate workmanship. Around the rim of its oval base is an
inscription in French, somewhat rudely cut on the metal, which translated
reads: "This monstrance [French, soleil, referring to its shape] was given by
Mr. Nicolas Perrot to the mission of St. Francois Xavier at the Bay of Puants
[i.e., Green Bay], 1686." This is, so far, the oldest relic existing of French
occupancy in Wisconsin, For description and illustration of this ostensorium,
see Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. viii, 199-206; and Jesuit Relations, vol. Ixvi, 347.
The Jesuit Mission was located a little above the mouth of Fox River, at the
present Depere. — ED.
58 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
spoke after this fashion : "My father, I come to tell thee
that thy dead men and mine are in the same grave ; and
that the Maskou techs have killed us, and have made us
eat our own flesh. My three sisters, who were made
prisoners in the year of the battle with the Tsonnontou-
ans, seeing that the Iroquois were routed by Onontio
[footnote, 'The Marquis de Denonville'], escaped
from their hands. Some Maskoutechs, whom they en-
countered at the river of Chikagon, found on their way
two Frenchmen who were returning from the Islinois,
and assassinated them. Their dread that the women
would make known this murder led the assassins to break
their heads; but they carried away the scalps, which
they have given us to eat, saying that they were those of
some Iroquois. The Spirit has punished those assassins
by a malady which has caused them and all their chil-
dren to die; at last one of them confessed his crime
when he was dying. Those beaver-skins which thou
seest on the other side tell thee that we have no will but
thine ; that, if thou tellest us to weep in silence, we will
not make any move [against the Maskoutechs]."
Perrot made them several presents, and spoke to them
in nearly the following words : "My brothers, I delight
in your speech, and war is odious when you fight against
the Maskoutech; he is brave, and will slay your young
men. I do not doubt that you could destroy him, for
you are more numerous and more warlike than he; but
desperation will drive him to extremity, and he has
arrows and war-clubs, which he can handle with skill.
Besides, the war-fire has been lighted against the Iro-
quois, and will be extinguished only when he ceases to
exist. War was declared on your account when he
swept away your families at Chikagon ; those dead per-
sons are seen no longer, for they are covered by those of
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 59
the Frenchmen whom the Iroquois have betrayed
through the agency of the Englishman -who was our
ally, and upon whom we have undertaken to avenge our-
selves for his treacherous conduct. We have also for an
enemy the Loup, who is his son. Accordingly, we shall
not be able to assist you if you undertake war against the
Maskoutechs."
After he had delivered this speech to them he also
made two heaps of merchandise ; and, displaying these,
continued thus: "I place a mat under your dead and
ours, that they may sleep in peace; and this other pres-
ent is to cover them with a piece of bark, in order that
bad weather and rain may not disturb them. Onontio,
to whom I will make known this assassination, will con-
sider and decide what is best to do." The Miamis, then,
had reason to be satisfied ; since they begged him to lo-
cate his establishment upon the Missisipi, near Ouisken-
sing [Wisconsin], so that they could trade with him for
their peltries. The chief made him a present of a piece
of ore which came from a very rich lead mine, which he
had found on the bank of a stream which empties into
the Missisipi;22 and Perrot promised them that he
22 This was probably the Galena River. It is not probable that the In-
dians of early days worked these mines along the upper Mississippi that now
yield so great a supply of lead ; but after they learned from the French the
use of firearms they began to place much value on this metal, and probably
obtained supplies of it in some crude fashion from outcropping ores. From
them the French early learned the location of lead deposits, and during the
eighteenth century worked mines here and there along the Mississippi, often
employing Indians to do the work under their direction. The most noted of
these mine-owners was Julien Dubuque, who obtained from the Sacs and
Foxes (1788) permission to work mines on their lands, and from the Spanish
authorities (1796) the grant of a large tract of land on the west side of the
Mississippi, by means of which he acquired great wealth. See Thwaites's
"Notes on Early Lead Mining," in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xiii, 271-292, and
succeeding articles by O. G. Libby on "Lead and Shot Trade in early Wis-
consin History." Cf. Meeker's "Early History of the Lead Region," /</., vol.
vi, 271-296.
60 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
would within twenty days establish a post below the
Ouiskonche [Wisconsin] River. The chief then re-
turned to his village.
All the Saki chiefs and the Pouteouatemis assembled
near the Jesuit house. Perrot gave them presents of
guns, tobacco, and ammunition, and encouraged them to
deal harder blows than ever at the Iroquois, to whom no
one was a friend; and he told them how utterly knavish
the Iroquois were. He said that the allies should dis-
trust their artful words and their fine collars, which
were only so many baits to lure them into their nets ; and
that, if they should unfortunately fall into those snares,
Onontio could not any longer draw them out. He told
them that they had cause to be glad that they had con-
tinued in their fidelity notwithstanding all the foolish
proceedings of the Outaouaks, who had tried to induce
the allies to espouse their interests instead of his. He re-
peated to them the details of all that he had said to the
tribes on Lake Huron ; and also made them understand
that, if they undertook to declare themselves in favor of
the Iroquois, they could go to live among them, since
we would not suffer them to remain upon our lands.
They protested that they would never stray from their
duty ; and that, although the Outaouaks had always been
their friends, they were resolved to perish rather than
to abandon the cause of the French.
When Perrot had reached a small Puan village which
was near the Outagamis, the chief of the Maskoutechs
and two of his lieutenants arrived there. They entered
Perrot's cabin, excusing themselves for not having
brought any present by which they could talk to him, as
their village was upon his route ; the chief entreated him
to sojourn there, as he had something of importance to
communicate to him. Although we were greatly of-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 61
fended with both them and the Outagamis, who had
sworn the ruin of the French who were among the
Nadouaissioux, Perrot promised to stop at their village
in order to forget the resentment that he felt toward
them and to pardon them their error, which had been
made only through the fault of the Renards.
The Sakis returned by way of the Outagamis, to
whom they reported all that had been said to them.
Perrot encountered two Outagami chiefs, who came to
meet him; they approached him trembling, and begged
him, in the most submissive terms, to land, in order to
hear them for a little while. After he had landed, they
lit a fire, and laid on the ground a beaver robe to serve
him as a carpet, on which he seated himself ; they were
so beside themselves that for a time they could not speak.
Finally one of them began to talk, saying: "The Outa-
gamis have done wrong not to remember what thou didst
formerly tell them. Since they became acquainted with
thee thou hast never deceived them ; and when they do
not see thee they let themselves be carried away by the
solicitations of the Outaouaks and others who try to in-
duce them to abandon the French. I have tried to pre-
vent our people from undertaking anything against thy
young men ; but they would not believe me, and I have
been alone in my opinion. When they learned that thou
wert coming, they were afraid of thee, and have begged
me to tell thee on their behalf that they wish to see thee
in their village, in order to reunite themselves to thy
person -which they have not altogether abandoned,
since if they had carried out the scheme with which the
Outaouaks inspired them against the French, they would
have taken care of thy children. As for me, I have taken
no part in their conspiracy; and on that account I have
come to meet thee, to entreat that, if thou wilt not grant
62 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
me anything for them, thou wilt at least not refuse to
come and listen to them, out of consideration for me."
It was very difficult to obtain from those peoples all
the satisfaction which we had desired. Their great dis-
tance from us prevents us from reducing them to obe-
dience; and the blustering manner which must be
assumed with them was the best policy that could be
adopted to make them fear us. Perrot, who understood
their character, yielded the point out of consideration
for this chief, and promised to remain with them half a
day, in order to listen to their words. The chief went
away to console his people ; he came back alone to meet
Perrot, to ask him that he would land at the village.
Another chief, seeing that the French did not leave their
canoes, said that they were afraid. Our men answered
that we did not fear them, and that the weapons of the
French were able to make them repent, if they had the
temerity to offer us any affront. The first-named chief
was greatly incensed against this one, and said to his
countrymen: "O Outagamis, will you always be fools?
You will make the Frenchman embark, and he will
abandon us. What will become of us? can we plant our
fields if he will not allow it?" Throughout the village
there were endless harangues, to quiet those who were
seditious, and to induce the others to give Sieur Perrot
a good reception. The head chief conducted him to his
own cabin, where were present the most influential men
of the tribe, who said to him "Welcome !" while offering
him every token of kind feeling. Two young men en-
tirely naked, armed as warriors, laid at his feet two pack-
ages of beaver-skins; and, sitting down, cried out to
him, "We submit to thy wishes, and entreat thee by this
beaver to remember no more our foolish acts. If thou
art not content with this atonement, strike us down ; we
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 63
will suffer death, for we are willing to atone with our
blood for the fault that our nation has committed."
All these acts of submission had no other object than to
procure ammunition and weapons for the peltries, fore-
seeing that he would refuse these supplies to them. Per-
rot made them understand that he had come to their vil-
lage only to hear them; that, if they repented of their
inconsiderate demands, he would pardon them; that, al-
though they might escape from one hand, he would hold
them tightly with the other; that he was holding them
by no more than one finger, but that, if they would bestir
themselves a little, he would take them by the arms and
gradually bring them into a safe place where they could
dwell in peace.
All the chiefs begged him, one after another, to re-
ceive them under his protection, imploring him to give
them ammunition for their peltries so that they could
kill game to make soup for their children. He would
not grant them more than a small amount \apres-dine\.
A war-chief, who carried in his hand a dagger, thought
that Perrot's clerk had not given him enough powder,
and spoke so fiercely to him that the clerk yielded all
he asked. Perrot was greatly irritated against them,
and gave orders to have everything taken back to the ca-
noes ; but after some explanation he recognized that the
chief had no bad intention. Those peoples are so brutal
that persons who do not understand them suppose that
they are always full of anger when they are speaking.
- Chapter XIX
Their trading being ended, the Frenchmen reem-
barked; they did so very opportunely, for the desperate
frame of mind in which the Outagamis found them-
selves the next day, at tidings of the defeat of their peo-
64 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
pie by the Nadouaissioux, would have made them forget
the alliance which they had just renewed; in the sequel,
they made that feeling sufficiently evident. The French
arrived at a place a little below the village of the Mas-
koutechs, where they encamped. The chiefs, accom-
panied by their families, came to receive Perrot on the
bank of their river; they entreated him to enter a cabin ;
and by a package of beaver-skins they told him that they
covered the dead whom their people had assassinated,
including three Miami slaves who had escaped from the
Iroquois. By another present, they begged that he
would allow them to establish their village at the same
place where the French were going to settle, saying that
they would demonstrate to him their fidelity, and would
trade with him for their peltries. Perrot told them that
they had a right to settle wherever they pleased; but
that, if he permitted them to come near the French, they
must turn their war-clubs against the Iroquois only;
that they must hang up the hatchet against the Nadou-
aissioux until the fire of the Iroquois should be wholly
extinguished. He told them that since Onontio had
undertaken war against the Iroquois (who was [former-
ly] his son) -on account of the Miamis who had been
slain at Chikagon, and of the Maskoutechs themselves,
who had lost their families -he could chastise the Na-
douaissioux more easily than they were aware, when
he saw that all his children were uniting their forces
with his to destroy the common foe. On the next day
they presented to the Frenchmen a buffalo and some In-
dian corn, and fire, 23 which were of great assistance to
them during the rest of their journey. He disclosed to
23 Thus in original (feu) ; it may be a misprint for some other word, or it
may mean a box containing smouldering tinder (for which "punk," or decaying
wood, was often used) —which would be a convenience to the French on their
river voyage, even though they carried with them their own fire-steels. — ED.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 65
them the project formed by all the tribes -the Miamis,
the Outagamis, the Kikabous, and many of the Islinois.
All these tribes were to assemble at the Missisipi, to
march against the Nadouaissioux. The Miamis were
to command the army; the Maskoutechs also were under
obligation to join them, in order to avenge the assassina-
tion of the Miami slaves. At that moment some Outa-
gamis brought the news of the defeat of their people by
the Nadouaissioux; and they secretly tried to induce the
Maskoutechs to unite with them against the French,
who had furnished weapons to their enemies. The Mas-
koutechs were careful not to embroil themselves with
the French ; and the difficulty which they had already
experienced in reinstating themselves in the good graces
of the latter hindered them from undertaking any enter-
prise which would displease the French. These Outa-
gamis, who had got wind of Perrot's sending to the bay
a canoe loaded with peltries, went to inform their chief
of it; he sent out some men to carry it away. The
Frenchmen in the canoe, hearing at night the noise of
paddles, and suspecting that the savages were going to
capture them, hastily slipped among the tall reeds,
which they traversed without being perceived.
Perrot reembarked, with all his men, in good order;
he encountered at the [Fox-Wisconsin] portage a canoe
of Frenchmen who were coming from the country of
the Nadouaissioux. He warned them not to trust the
Maskoutechs, who would plunder them ; but his warn-
ing was in vain. Some of that tribe, discovering them,
bestowed upon them every kindness, entreating them to
stop and rest themselves, on their way, at their village;
but the Frenchmen had no sooner arrived there than
they were pillaged. The other Frenchmen reached the
Missisipi; Perrot sent out ten men to warn, in behalf of
66 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
Monsieur de Frontenac, the Frenchmen who were
among the Nadouaissioux to proceed to Michilimaki-
nak. Perrot's establishment was located below the Ouis-
konche, in a place very advantageously situated for
security from attacks by the neighboring tribes. 24 The
great chief of the Miamis, having learned that Perrot
was there, sent to him a war-chief and ten young war-
riors, to tell him that, as his village was four leagues
farther down, he was anxious to sit down with Perrot at
the latter's fire. That chief proceeded thither two days
later, accompanied by twenty men and his women, and
presented to the Frenchman a piece of ore from a lead
mine. Perrot pretended not to be aware of the useful-
ness of that mineral; he even reproached the Miami for
a similar present by which he pretended to cover the
death of the two Frenchmen whom the Maskoutechs had
assassinated with the three Miami women who had es-
caped from an Iroquois village. The chief was utterly
astonished at such discourse, imagining that Perrot was
ignorant of their deed; and told him that, since he knew
of that affair, he would do whatever Perrot wished in
the matter. The chief also assured him that, when the
allies were assembled, he would make them turn the
hatchet against the Iroquois; but that until they came
to the general rendezvous it was necessary that he him-
self should be ignorant of their design, in order that he
might be there with his tribe and be able to raise a large
troop against the Iroquois. The ice was now strong
enough to support a man; and the Maskoutech chiefs
had sent to him a warrior to inform him that the Outa-
gamis were far advanced into the country of the Nadou-
24 Although the exact location of this post is unknown, it probably was not
far from the present Dubuque, Iowa — where, and at Galena on the Illinois
side, were located the lead mines often mentioned by La Potherie; and later, by
Charlevoix, as "Perrot's mines." See Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. x, 301. - ED.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 67
aissioux, and prayed the Miamis to hasten to join them;
but the latter had replied that they would do nothing
without the Frenchman's consent.
The Tchidiiakouingoues, the Oiiaouiartanons, the
Pepikokis, the Mangakekis, the Poiiankikias, and the
Kilataks, all Miami tribes, 25 coming from all directions,
marched by long stages to reach that rendezvous. The
first five of these tribes were the first to arrive, with their
families, at the French post; if the Tchidiiakouingoues
had not been at hand with a good supply of provisions,
the other bands would have perished from hunger.
Perrot made them many presents, to induce them to
turn their war-club against the Iroquois, the common
enemy. They excused themselves from a general ad-
vance, asserting, nevertheless, that all their young men
would go in various detachments to harass the Iroquois
youth and carry away some of their heads. But, far
from keeping their promise, they amused themselves for
an entire month with hunting cattle; meanwhile, all the
warriors who had joined the Outagamis and Maskou-
techs were intending to march against the Nadoiiais-
sioux, while the old men, women, and children would
remain with the French.
The savage's mind is difficult to understand ; he speaks
in one way and thinks in another. If his friend's inter-
ests accord with his own, he is ready to render him a
service; if not, he always takes the path by which he
can most easily attain his own ends ; and he makes all
his courage consist in deceiving the enemy by a thousand
artifices and knaveries. The French were warned of all
25 For account of the Miami tribes, see vol. i, note 212; cf. note 190 also. The
Ouiatanon were generally called Wea by the English, which name is still ap-
plied to the present remnant of the tribe. The Piankashaw (Poiiankikias) also
are not quite extinct; but the other tribes named in the text are no longer
known. — ED.
68 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
the savages7 intrigues by a Miami woman; all these
hostile actions would have greatly injured Perrot's
scheme that they should turn their weapons against the
Iroquois-who, moreover, were delighted that these
peoples should be thus divided among themselves, for
whatever discord could be aroused among them was the
only way by which their plans could be made to fail.
Perrot sent for the chief of the Miamis; he made him
believe that he had just received a letter which informed
him that the Maskoutechs - jealous at seeing themselves
obliged, by way of satisfaction, to join their war-club to
that of their allies -had won over the Outagamis, and
that they would by common consent attack the Miamis
while on the general march against the Nadouaissioux.
The chief, believing Perrot's statement, did not fail to
break up the band of his warriors, and sent them the
next day to hunt buffalo ; they also held a war- feast, at
which they swore the ruin of the Maskoutechs. The
Outagamis, who had displayed more steadfast courage
than did the other allies, finding that they were advanced
into the enemy's country, consulted the medicine-men to
ascertain whether they were secure. Those jugglers de-
livered their oracles, which were that the spirits had
showed them that the Sauteurs and the Nadouaissioux
were assembling to march against them. 26 Whether the
2« "Mediators between the world of spirits and the world of men may be
divided into two classes: the shamans, whose authority was entirely dependent
on their individual ability; and priests, who acted in some measure for the
tribe or nation, or at least for some society. 'Shaman' is explained variously
as a Persian word meaning 'pagan,' or, with more likelihood, as the Tungus
equivalent for 'medicine-man,' and was originally applied to the medicine-
men or exorcists in Siberian tribes, from which it was extended to similar indi-
viduals among the tribes of America." Often the shaman performed practically
all religious functions, and sometimes was also a chief, thus obtaining also
civil authority; his office was sometimes inherited, sometimes acquired by
natural fitness; and as a preliminary to its exercise he would enter into a
condition of trance for a certain period, or gain the proper psychic state through
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 69
devil had really spoken to these men (as is believed in
all Canada) , or the Outagamis were seized with fear at
finding themselves alone, without assistance -however
that might be, they built a fort, and sent their chiefs and
two warriors to Perrot, begging that he would go among
the Nadoiiaissioux to check their advance, and thus en-
able the Outagamis, with their families, to take refuge
in their own village.
The Miamis would actually have engaged in battle
with the Maskoutechs, if the Frenchman had not dis-
suaded their chief from doing so. They received the
Outagami chief with all possible honors ; he told them
that their people were dead. Perrot asked him how
many the dead were. He replied : "I do not know any-
thing positively; but I believe that they all are dead, for
our diviners saw the Nadouaissioux assemble together
the sweat-bath — or sometimes as the result of a narrow escape from death.
In treating the sick or in other functions of their office, shamans were among
many tribes supposed to be actually possessed by spirits, but among the Iro-
quois they controlled their spirits objectively. "Hoffman enumerates three
classes of shamans among the Chippewa, in addition to the herbalist or doctor,
properly so considered. These were the JVdbeno', who practiced medical
magic ; the Jes'sakki'd, who were seers and prophets deriving their power from
the thunder god; and the Mide', who were concerned with the sacred society
of the Mide'iuiivin, and should rather be regarded as priests. . . As dis-
tinguished from the calling of a shaman, that of a priest was, as has been said,
national or tribal rather than individual, and if there were considerable ritual
his function might be more that of a leader in the ceremonies and keeper of
the sacred myths than direct mediator between spirits and men. . . Even
where shamanism flourished most there was a tendency for certain priestly
functions to center around the town or tribal chief. . . Most of the tribes
of the eastern plains contained two classes of men that may be placed in this
category. One of these classes consisted of societies which concerned themselves
with healing and applied definite remedies, though at the same time invoking
superior powers, and to be admitted to which a man was obliged to pass
through a period of instruction. The other was made up of the one or few
men who acted as superior officers in the conduct of national rituals, and who
transmitted their knowledge to an equally limited number of successors. Sim-
ilar to these perhaps were the priests of the Mide'wiwin ceremony among the
Chippewa, Menominee, and other Algonquian tribes. — JOHN R. SWANTON, in
Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Shamans and priests."
70 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
in order to come against us ; they are very numerous, and
we are greatly troubled on account of our women and
children, who are with us. The old men have sent me to
thee, to beg thee to deliver us from the danger into
which we have too blindly rushed ; they hope that thou
wilt go among the Nadouaissioux to stop their advance."
Perrot told him that they ought not to place any con-
fidence in their jugglers, who are liars ; and that it was
only the Spirit who could see so far. "Not at all," re-
plied the Outagami ; "the Spirit has enabled them to see
what they have divined, and that is sure to happen."
The Miamis were strongly in favor of advancing. The
Frenchman, who felt obliged by the orders that he had
received from Monsieur de Frontenac to keep every-
thing quiet among the allies, concluded that it would be
best to avert an attack so fatal to the Outagamis; their
destruction would have been very detrimental to the
Frenchmen who happened to be in those regions, because
the savages, who are naturally unruly, would have taken
the opportunity to vent their resentment against them.
He made them understand, however, that since the safety
of a band of their tribe was concerned, he would go to
make some attempt at ameliorating their situation. He
encountered on the voyage five cabins of Maskoutechs,
a village which was preparing to go to the French es-
tablishment to trade there for ammunition. He told
them the reason for his departure, and warned them not
to trust themselves with the Nadouaissioux.
Perrot finally arrived at the French fort, " where he
learned that the Nadouaissioux were forming a large
war-party to seek out the Outagamis or some of their
allies. As he was then in a place under his own author-
27 This fort may have been Perrot's supposed winter-quarters (1685-1686;
see note 172) near Trempealeau, Wis., or else one of the forts he had built on
Lake Pepin._ED.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 71
ity, he made known his arrival to the Nadouaissioux,
whom he found, to the number of four hundred, ranging
along the Missisipi in order to carry on some warlike
enterprise. They would not allow his men to return to
him, and themselves came to the fort, to which they
flocked from all sides in order to pillage it. The com-
mandant demanded why their young men appeared so
frightened at the very time when he came to visit his
brothers in order to give them life. A chief, arising,
made the warriors retire, and ordered them to encamp.
When their camp was made, Perrot summoned their
leading men, and told them that he had come to inform
them that the Miamis, the Outagamis, the Islinois, the
Maskoutechs, and the Kikabous had formed an army of
four thousand men to fight with them ; that they were
to march in three parties -one along the Missisipi, an-
other at a day's journey farther inland, but following the
river, and a third at a similar distance from the second.
He told them that he had stayed this torrent that was
going to carry them away ; but finding them by chance
in this locality, he exhorted them to return to their fam-
ilies and hunt beavers. They replied with much haughti-
ness that they had left home in order to seek death ; and,
since there were men, they were going to fight against
them, and would not have to go far to find them. They
exchanged some peltries ; when that was done, they sent
to ask Perrot to visit their camp, and there manifested
to him the joy that they felt at his saying that they would
find their enemies, entreating him to allow them to con-
tinue their route. He tried all sorts of means to dis-
suade them from this purpose; but they still replied
that they had gone away to die ; that the Spirit had given
them men to eat, at three days' journey from the French ;
and that Perrot had invented a falsehood to them, since
72 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
their jugglers had seen great fires far away. They even
pointed out the places where these fires were : one was
on this side, and at some distance inland ; another at some
distance, and farther inland ; and a third, which they be-
lieved to be the fire of the Outagamis. All these state-
ments were true, for the five cabins of the Maskoutechs
were at three days* journey from the French establish-
ment; their village was on one side, the fort of the Outa-
gamis opposite, and the Miamis and Islinois at a con-
siderable distance farther. It is believed that the demon
often speaks to the savages ; our missionaries even claim
to have recognized him on several occasions. There was
much truth in what the evil spirit had communicated to
their jugglers. Other expedients must be employed to
stop them; to gain their attention, Perrot gave them two
kettles and some other wares, saying to them with these:
"I desire you to live; but I am sure that you will be de-
feated, for your devil has deceived you. What I have
told you is true, for I really have kept back the tribes,
who have obeyed me. But you are now intending to
advance against them ; the road that you would take I
close to you, my brothers, for I am not willing that it
should be stained with blood. If you kill the Outagamis
or their allies, you cannot do so without first striking me ;
if they slay you, they likewise slay me; for I hold them
under one of my arms, and you under the other. Can
you then do them any wrong without doing it to me?"
He was holding the same calumet which they had sung
to him when he first made discovery of their tribe; he
presented it to them to smoke, but they refused it. The
insult which they thus offered was so great that he flung
the calumet at their feet, saying to them: "It must be
that I have accepted a calumet which dogs have sung
to me, and that they no longer remember what they said
to me. In singing it to me, they chose me as their chief,
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 73
and promised me that they would never make any ad-
vance against their enemies when I presented it to them;
and yet today they are trying to kill me." Immediately
a war-chief arose, and told Perrot that he was in the
right; he then extended it toward the sun, uttering invo-
cations, and tried to return it to Perrot's hands. The
latter replied that he would not receive it unless they
assured him that they would lay down their weapons.
The chief hung it on a pole in the open place within the
fort, turning it toward the sun ; then he assembled all the
leading men in his tent, and obtained their consent that
no hostile advance should be made. He then called Per-
rot thither, .and sent for the calumet; he placed it be-
fore him, one end in the earth and the other held upright
by a small forked stick. He drew from his war-pouch a
pair of moccasins, beautifully made; then he took off
Perrot's shoes, and with his own hands put the moccasins
on the Frenchman's feet. Finally he presented to him
a dish of dried grapes, and three times put some of the
fruit in Perrot's mouth. After he had eaten these, the
chief took the calumet and said to him: "I remember
all that these men promised to thee when they presented
to thee this calumet; and now we listen to thee. Thou
art depriving us of the prey that the Spirit had given
us, and thou art giving life to our enemies. Now do for
us what thou hast done for them, and prevent them from
slaying us when we are dispersed to hunt for beaver,
which we are going to do. The sun is our witness that
we obey thee."
Chapter XX
Quiet was restored by the good management of Sieur
Perrot, who returned to his establishment. He related
to the Maskoutechs, who came to meet him, all that he
had accomplished among the Nadouaissioux in favor of
74 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
them and their allies ; and compelled them to settle, with
the Kikabous, at a place two days' journey from him
near a Miami village -in order that, if the Nadouais-
sioux should happen to break their promise, these tribes
might be able to resist them. They sent a band of forty
warriors against the Iroquois, and brought back twelve
of their scalps.
The French discovered the mine of lead, which they
found in great abundance ; but it was difficult to obtain
the ore, since the mine lies between two masses of rock-
which can, however, be cut away. The ore is almost free
from impurities, and melts easily; it diminishes by a
half, when placed over the fire, but, if put into a furnace,
the slag would be only one-fourth.
The Outaouaks, seeing that all was quiet among the
tribes of the south, rightly judged that now they could
easily carry fire and sword among those peoples. The
alliance which they desired to contract with the Iroquois
continually possessed their minds; and however great
the ascendancy that the Jesuits had gained over them, or
the skill with which Monsieur de Louvigni managed
them, in order to keep them in submission to Monsieur
de Frontenac's orders, nothing could prevail over their
caprice. They left Michilimakinak, to the number of
three hundred, and formed two war-parties; one was to
join the Islinois against the Ozages and the Kangas, and
the other was to disperse into the country of the Nadou-
aissioux. Their course of conduct could only be very
detrimental to the interests of the French colony, which
would thus be prevented from receiving general aid
from all the southern tribes against the Iroquois. When
they had arrived at the Bay des Puans, they could not
refrain from shouting that they found in their road a
very precipitous place, which they did not believe they
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 75
could scale or overturn. "There is Metaminens," they
said, "who is going to stretch out legs of iron, and will
compel us to retrace our steps ; but let us make an effort,
and perhaps we shall get over them." They remembered
that he had restrained them at Michilimakinak when
they, after the raid of the Iroquois upon the island of
Montreal, declared themselves against the French. Their
fear that he would exasperate the minds of certain tribes
in that region made them speak thus. Monsieur de
Louvigni had taken the precaution to inform them that
Perrot had pledged the Outagamis to our cause, and
knew that he could accomplish a great deal in circum-
stances of such importance. Perrot was prudent enough
to say nothing to the Outaouaks about their enterprise;
he only inquired from some of the war-chiefs if they had
not some letters from Michilimakinak to give him.
They told him that they had none, and that they were
going to seek for the bones of their dead among the
Nadouaissioux, hoping that he would consent to their
project, as the Jesuit fathers and Monsieur de Louvigni
had done. He treated them very affably, and had them
smoke a pipe, without saying anything to them of other
matters. Some one privately gave him the name of the
chief who had hidden one of his letters; Perrot went to
see this chief at night, and demanded why he had not
given him the letter. "Dost thou not suppose," he said
to him, "that the Spirit who has made writing will be
angry with thee for having robbed me? Thou art going
to war; art thou immortal?" The chief was, of course,
somewhat surprised, imagining that the other had had
some revelation in regard to the letter; he restored it to
Perrot, and on the next day asked him to tell what he
had read therein. The substance of it was, that he posi-
tively must restrain the Outaouaks ; or, if he could not
76 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
do that, he must render them objects of suspicion to the
Outagamis. The chief of the Puans was extremely
friendly to the French, to whom he offered any service
that he could render ; he was thoroughly convinced that,
if the Outaouaks should advance, all the other nations
would undoubtedly follow them, and that an army of
two thousand warriors would be formed. All the prom-
inent men of that tribe desired to hear the speech that
Perrot was going to deliver to them ; and it was in the
following manner that he addressed them, holding his
calumet in his hand, and having at his feet twelve
brasses of tobacco: "Cinagots, Outaouaks, and you
other warriors, I am astonished that, after having prom-
ised me last year that you would have no other will than
Onontio's, you should tarnish his glory by depriving
him of the forces that I have with much labor obtained
for him. How is this? you who are his children are
the first to revolt against him. I come from a country
where I have hung up a bright sun, to give light to all
the tribes that I have seen -who now leave their fam-
ilies in quiet, without fearing any storms, while war-
riors are seeking to avenge the bones of their dead
among the Iroquois; but you are trying to raise clouds
there which will give birth to thunderbolts and light-
nings, in order to strike them, and perhaps to destroy
even us. I love peace in my country; I have discovered
this land, and Onontio has given the charge of it to me ;
and he has promised me all his young men to punish
those who undertake to stain it with blood. You are
my brothers ; I ask from you repose. If you are going
to war against the Nadouaissioux, go by way of Cha-
gouamigon, 28 on Lake Superior, where you have al-
28 Shaugawaumikong, one of the most ancient Chippewa villages, situated
on Long Island (formerly known as Chequamegon peninsula), in Ashland
County, Wis. On account of the inroads of the Sioux it was at one time re-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 77
ready begun war with them. What will Onontio say
when he learns of the measures that you are taking to
deprive him of the aid that he is expecting from you,
and from his other children, whom you are trying to
seduce? You have forgotten that your ancestors in
former days used earthen pots, stone hatchets and knives,
and bows ; and you will be obliged to use them again, if
Onontio abandons you. What will become of you if he
becomes angry? He has undertaken war to avenge you,
and he has maintained it against nations far stronger
than you. Know that he is the master of peace, when he
so wills; the Iroquois are asking it from him, and it
would be made if he did not fear that you would be
made its victims, and that the enemy would pour out
upon you his vengeance, to satisfy the shades of the many
families that he has sacrificed on your account. With
what excuses will you defend yourselves before him
from all the charges that will be made against you?
Cease this hostile advance which he forbids to you. I
do not wash the blackened countenances of your war-
riors; I do not take away the war-club or the bow that I
gave you on Onontio's behalf ; but I recommend to you
to employ them against the Iroquois, and not against
other peoples. If you transgress his orders, you may be
sure that the Spirit who made all, who is master of life
and of death, is for him ; and that he knows well how to
punish your disobedience if you do not agree to my de-
mands." He lighted his calumet, and, throwing to them
the twelve brasses of tobacco, continued: "Let us smoke
together ; if you wish to be children of Onontio, here is
moved to Madeleine Island, on the site of the modern La Pointe ; and in later
years was located on the mainland, near Bayfield. It was on Long Island
(which stretches across the entrance of Chequamegon Bay) that the Jesuits
established in 1655 the mission of La Pointe du Saint Esprit; it became large
and prosperous, but was broken up in 1670 by the Sioux. — JAMES MOONEY, in
Handbook Amer. Indians.
78 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
his calumet. I shall not fail to inform him of those who
choose to set him at naught."
He presented it to them, but there was one war-chief
who refused it; the result, however, was more propitious
than Perrot had expected. The Puans, seeing that the
only question now at issue was to appease this man, of-
fered to him the calumet, and made him a present of
six kettles, with two porcelain collars. The next day,
they made a solemn feast for the Outaouaks, and sang
the calumet to them. At the time when these three hun-
dred warriors set out to return to Michilimakinak, a
young warrior, with several of his comrades, left the
troop, in order to continue their march against the
Nadouaissioux. The Outaouaks, who had fully decided
to forget all their resentment, were so offended at this
proceeding that they threw all the baggage of these men
into the river, and dragged their canoe more than a
hundred paces up on the land.
Chapter XXI
The only tribes who defended the interests of the col-
ony in the midst of this great revolution were the Ne-
piciriniens and the Kikabous ; they marched against the
Iroquois, and brought back some scalps of the latter,
which they presented to the commandants at Michilli-
makinak. A few days later was seen the arrival of other
canoes, who had carried away an Iroquois; he was re-
leased before they came ashore, which was contrary to
the laws of war -which require that a general council
be held in order to deliberate on the death or the life of
a prisoner. It was known that the Outaouaks were re-
sponsible for this proceeding; they had maliciously
informed this f reedman of several grievances which they
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 79
had invented against the French people. He said that
his people had fought a battle in the vicinity of Mon-
treal, in which four hundred Frenchmen had been slain,
and that Onontio had not dared to go outside the town.
As this tale, mingled with insulting language, made
evident the evil intentions of those peoples, it was
[considered] proper to come to an understanding [with
them] in regard to the many insolent utterances which
were heard on every side. The more prominent chiefs
tried to justify themselves, and in truth there were some
of them who had taken no part in this dissension; the
author of it was the man who seemed least opposed to
our interests, but he nevertheless caused all these dis-
orders. He assembled a general council, to which all
the Nepiciriniens were summoned. They came to see
the French, with five collars, and asked them by the
first, to forget their error; by the second, they assured
us that they had united themselves to the body of their
father, never to be detached from him. By the third,
that he would know them in the following spring, by
the war-parties that they would send against the Iro-
quois; by the fourth, that they submitted to Onontio;
and by the fifth, that they renounced the English and
their trade.
Reply was made, by five presents, to all that they had
said; and it was represented to them that the trade with
the English, which they so eagerly sought to obtain,
would deliver them into the hands of the Iroquois,
whose only endeavor was to deceive them.
The long stay made at Montreal by four canoes which
had been sent thither to learn news of the colony made
the savages suspect that [our] affairs were going ill;
they made a feast in the village, which was attended by
the chiefs only. A Frenchman who passed that way was
8o LA PQTHERIE [Vol.
invited to it, and the most distinguished among the
chiefs said to him: 'Thou who meddlest in thwarting
us, cast a spell to learn what has become of our men
whom thy chief sent into thy country to be eaten there."
This savage had had secret connections with the Eng-
lish, in order to secure for them entrance into the beaver-
trade; and he made them a present of ten packets of
pelts, as a pledge for the promise that he had given them.
All the allied tribes acted only by his order; he was the
originator of all that was done among those peoples;
and he had rendered himself so influential that what-
ever he required was blindly followed. In his child-
hood he had been carried away [from his home] as a
slave. This Frenchman whom he told to play the jug-
gler replied that "The Frenchmen were not in the habit
of eating men; that if this man were a chief he would
answer him, but he was a slave; and that it was not a
dog like him with whom the Frenchman compared, he
who bore the message of one of the greatest captains
who had ever been heard of." This savage replied [to
the other savages] : "You who are here behold the in-
sults which I meet in your village from this man who
is troubling our peace, when I am trying to maintain
our common interest." All the guests began to show
their discontent, and matters would perhaps have turned
to the disadvantage of the Frenchman if he had not in-
stantly found some expedient for rendering this very
chief odious to them. He had been a slave of a man
named Jason [jc. Talon] (of whom I have already
spoken), who had been the first to go from the north to
Three Rivers, the second government district in Can-
ada, and who for all the services which he had rendered
to the tribe had been chosen its head chief. At his death
he left several children, who could not maintain that
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 81
high position because this slave, who was freed, had by
his ability acquired the general esteem of all those peo-
ples. This Frenchman, I say, began to call out in the
middle of the feast: "Where art thou, Talon? where
art thou, B rochet?" (another head chief) ; "it was you
two who ruled over all this country; but your slave has
usurped your authority and is making your children his
slaves, although they ought to be the real masters. But
I will sacrifice everything to maintain their rights, and
Onontio will favor us ; he will know how to restore them
to the rank that they ought to occupy." Hardly had he
spoken when the sons and relatives of those two chiefs
arose, and took the Frenchman's part, uttering threats
against this seditious man; and it lacked little of their
reaching the utmost violence of conduct. Those young
chiefs, remembering what their ancestors had been,
compelled this old man to render satisfaction to the
Frenchman ; and the fear which they also felt of being
exposed to unpleasant results constrained them to en-
treat the missionary fathers to adjust all these matters.
The French themselves did not know what to think
of the delay of those canoes ; at last they arrived, after
a three months' wait. They reported that a battle had
been fought at the Prairie de la Madeleine, three
leagues from and opposite Montreal, against the Iro-
quois and the English, in which we had gained all the
advantage -it might be said that the enemy had suf-
fered extreme injury.
This news made some impression on the minds of
the Outaouaks, but the Miamis of the Saint Joseph
River easily forgot what they had promised to execute
against the Iroquois ; they no longer thought of anything
except of opening the way to the Loups, who had
opened a commerce with the English. Those of Mara-
82 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
mek were somewhat unsettled ; they were reminded that
the bow and war-club of Onontio had been delivered to
them in order to attack the Iroquois and avenge their
own dead. The story of the battle at the Prairie, and of
the raising of the siege of Quebec [1690] by the English
(who had come thither with all the forces of New Eng-
land), was related to them. "Your father," it was said
to them, "does not cease to labor for your peace ; but you
have always remained inactive since he undertook war
against the Iroquois. The Spirit favors his arms; his
enemies fear him, but he does not heed them." They
were counseled to avail themselves of his aid while he
was willing to favor them ; and they were told that there
was reason to complain of their indifference while he
was sacrificing his young men. They promised to send
out three hundred warriors, who would not spare either
the Loups or the English. The Maskoutechs, who had
seemed to have our interests so strongly at heart, gave
very unsatisfactory evidence of their fidelity; they
amused themselves with making raids into the lands of
the Nadouaissioux, where they carried away captive
some Puans and some Ayoes who had made a settlement
there, without troubling themselves whether those two
tribes were their allies. The jealousy which they felt
because some Frenchmen had promised to barter mer-
chandise among the Miamis in preference to them in-
spired them to send to that people ten large kettles, to
warn them to distrust the Frenchmen, who were going
to form a large band of Abenaquis and their [other]
allies to deal a blow on the families of the Miamis after
their men had set out on the march against the Iroquois.
This present put an end to all their war-parties, except-
ing only their chief, who went away with eighty war-
riors. The Outagamis, who had been very quiet, not-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 83
withstanding the promise that they had given to join
with that tribe against the common enemy, promised to
do so when the Sakis, the Puans, and the Pouteouatemis
should take the war-path. For this purpose an Iroquois
scalp and a gun were given to them, and this speech was
made to them: "Here is an Iroquois who is given to
you to eat; this scalp is his head, and this gun is his body.
We wish to know whether you are French or Iroquois,
in order to send word to Onontio ; if you go to war we
shall believe that you are French, if you do not go we
shall declare you an enemy."
Chapter XXII
The great distance which lay between us and all these
allies was a hindrance in causing them to show all the
activity that we could have desired. The French who
went among them, either to facilitate their trading or to
maintain them in entire harmony, were even exposed to
many dangers. Perrot was on the point of being burned
by the Maskoutechs, who had received from him so
many benefits. That tribe, insatiable for all that they
saw, sent to ask him to come to their village, to trade for
beaver-skins ; and a chief of the Pouteouatemis accom-
panied him. Hardly had he reached their village, with
six Frenchmen, when the savages seized all their mer-
chandise ; and they displayed more inhumanity to him
than to the meanest of their slaves. It is a rule among
all the tribes to give to the captives the first morsels of
what food may be eaten ; but these savages would not
give him any food. One of their chiefs could not re-
frain from complaining that he would not have the
strength to endure the fire, if they did not take better
care of him ; they intended to sacrifice him to the shades
84 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
of many of their men who had been killed in various
fights, and they said that Perrot was the cause of their
death. A warrior who came to him to pronounce his
sentence told him that they had intended to burn him in
the village, but that part of them would not be wit-
nesses of this execution. He said to Perrot: "Thou
wilt set out at sunrise, and wilt be closely followed, and
at noon thou wilt be burnt on the plain. Thou art a sor-
cerer, who hast caused the deaths of more than fifty of
our men, in order to pacify the shades of two Frenchmen
whom we killed at Chikagon. If thou hadst taken re-
venge for those two alone we would not have said any-
thing, for blood must be paid for with blood; but thou
art too cruel, and therefore thou art going to be the
victim who is to be sacrificed to them." Great stead-
fastness was necessary in so terrible an emergency. The
Pouteouatemi chief also sang his death-song, on the eve
of his departure, and they made him and Perrot set out
the next morning from the village, with the other
Frenchmen, who were lamenting their wretched fate.
While the people in the village were amusing them-
selves with dividing all the property of the Frenchmen,
the latter went forward a little distance on a beaten path,
and then they bethought themselves to take several wrong
directions without losing sight of one another. Some
warriors were sent after them, who could not find their
tracks ; but the French do not know whether these men
really could not discover them, or only pretended not to
find them. However that may be, a Miami who had
married a Maskoutech woman saw these warriors start,
and immediately gave notice of it to his tribe, telling
them that Perrot had been plundered and burned by the
Maskoutechs. The chief of the Miamis was at that time
at war with the Iroquois; and the Miamis were only
waiting the moment of his arrival, in order to avenge
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 85
this death. The tribes of the bay were also notified of
it, and desired to seize the war-club for the chastisement
of those peoples. Perrot arrived safely among the
Puans, where they immediately hung up some war-ket-
tles, as if to go in search of what had been taken from
him, and to kill some M askou techs ; but as it was a
question of holding together all those tribes in their de-
sire to form a connection with the common enemy, he
obliged them to suspend their anger, for the sake of the
French nation.
On all sides hostilities were begun in earnest against
the Iroquois. The Outaouaks sent out war-parties against
them from all quarters, and during the summer killed
or captured more than fifty of them. The Miamis of
Muramik [sc. Maramek] 29 carried off eight Loups, to
whom the English had given many presents; four of
these captives they gave to the commandant on the Saint
Joseph River, and reserved the others for Frenchmen,
friends of theirs who had rendered them many services.
Monsieur de Louvigny sent thirty-eight men to go in
quest of these, with orders to induce the Miamis to put
them in the kettle if they could not be taken to Michilli-
makinak; but those of Saint Joseph had carried them
away. The tribe of Loups was entirely devoted to the
interests of the English, who were trying to make use of
them in order to gain entrance among our allies; and
the Iroquois profited by this union. Too many pre-
cautions, therefore, could not be taken to keep back the
former from the beaver trade, and to obtain the advan-
tage from acts of hostility against the latter. A present
of fifty pounds of gunpowder was given to the Miamis
of Maramek, to unite them to our interests; and they
took the war-path to the number of two hundred -who
29 Marameg (Maramek) was the early name of Kalamazoo River, Mich.
-Eo.
86 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
separated into four bands, after having divided the
powder among them. On the next day after their de-
parture a solemn feast was made by order of Ouagi-
kougaiganea, the great chief, to obtain from the Spirit
a safe return. They erected an altar, on which they
placed bear-skins arranged to represent an idol; they
had smeared the heads of these with a green clay, as they
passed in front of these skins, kneeling down before
them ; and every one was obliged to assist at this cere-
mony.80 The jugglers, the medicine-men, and those
who were called sorcerers occupied the first row, and
held in their hands their pouches for medicines and for
jugglery; they cast the spell, they said, upon those whose
deaths they wished to cause, and who feigned to fall
dead. The medicine-men placed some drugs in the
mouths of these, and seemed to resuscitate them imme-
diately by rudely shaking them ; the one who made the
most grotesque appearance attracted the most admira-
30 The term "ceremony" means, in the strict sense, "a religious per-
formance of at least one day's duration. These ceremonies generally refer to
one or the other of the solstices, to the germination or ripening of a crop, or
to the most important food supply. There are ceremonies of less importance
that are connected with the practices of medicine-men or are the property of
cult societies. Ceremonies may be divided into those in which the whole
tribe participates and those which are the exclusive property of a society,
generally a secret one, or of a group of men of special rank, such as chiefs or
medicine-men, or of an individual. Practically all ceremonies of extended dura-
tion contain many rites in common. An examination of these rites, as they are
successively performed, reveals the fact that they follow one another in pre-
scribed order, as do the events or episodes of the ritual." Among some tribes
the ritual predominates, among others it is subordinated to the drama. The
rites are partly secret (and proprietary), and partly public (constituting the
actual play or drama) ; there are also semi-public performances, but conducted
by priests only. There is much symbolism connected with most of these elabo-
rate ceremonials. "Inasmuch as ceremonies form intrinsic features and may be
regarded as only phases of culture, their special character depends on the
state of culture of the people by which they are performed; hence there are at
least as many kinds of ceremonies as there are phases of culture in North
America. . . In those tribes or in those areas extended forms abound where
there exists a sessile population or a strong form of tribal government."
-GEORGE A. DORSEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 87
tion. They danced to the sound of drums and gourds;
they formed, as it were, two hostile parties, who at-
tacked and defended in a battle. They had for weapons
the skins of serpents and otters, which, they said, brought
death to those on whom they cast the spell, and restored
life to those whom they wished [to live]. The director
of the ceremony, accompanied by two old men and two
women at his side, walked with serious manner, going
into all the cabins of the village to give notice that the
ceremony was to begin soon. They practiced the impo-
sition of hands on all persons whom they met, who, by
way of thanks, embraced their legs. Everywhere were
seen dances, and one heard only the howls of the dogs
which they were killing in order to offer the sacrifices.
The bones of those which were eaten were afterward
burned, as in a holocaust. The persons who had been
killed, and whom the medicine-men brought back to
life by the spell, danced separately, while the others
remained as if dead. Men, women, girls, and boys of
twelve years old, fell dead or were restored to life, as
were even the jugglers, the medicine-men, and the sor-
cerers. Every one had offered the handsomest orna-
ments that he could. Some persons thrust down their
throats sticks a foot and a half long, and as large as
one's thumb, and feigned to lie dead; then they were
carried to the medicine-men, who brought them back to
life and sent them away to dance. Others swallowed
feathers of the swan or eagle, then drew these out, and
fell down, as if dead ; and these also were resuscitated.
In short, one recognized in their antics only diabolical
contrivances.
The best thing in this festival was, that all the riches
of the village were destined for the jugglers. The cere-
monies lasted during five days, both day and night; at
the latter time they were within the cabins, and by day
88 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
in the public place -where they approached from all
sides, marching as if in procession. It was useless to
represent to them that all this that they were doing was
criminal before God; they answered that this was the
right way to secure his favor, to the end that he should
give some enemies to be eaten by their young men, who
would die without that if they did not observe this
solemnity. One of their war-parties arrived at the end
of thirty days; they had killed many Iroquois, without
losing one of their own men, and they said to the French :
"Believe us, our sort of ceremony has made the Spirit
listen to us." The other bands came back some time
afterward, with a number of prisoners, and the Loups
whom the men of Saint Joseph had made to turn aside.
While the Miamis were giving to Monsieur de Fron-
tenac proofs of their fidelity, the Maskoutechs had
openly declared hostilities against their allies the Ayoes,
and had cut to pieces all the inhabitants of the Ayoes's
main village. Some of them came to the Miamis and
tried to induce Perrot to go among them, assuring him
that they would make reparation for the pillage of his
merchandise; but the Miamis, who knew that the Mas-
koutechs intended to eat him, sharply asked them if they
thought that he was a dog, whom they could drive away
when he disturbed them, and then bring him back at
the first caress which they offered him. The Maskou-
techs learned that all the peoples of the bay, with the
Miamis and several other tribes, had intended to avenge
the injury which the former had inflicted on Perrot; and
they sent him two deputies to ask that he would not go
away from Maramek, where they wished to confer with
him. Their chief came in person, with a number of
warriors, and entered the cabin of the Miami chief,
where a meeting was called of the more prominent men
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 89
of the tribe, and of the Kikabous. The Maskoutechs
had carried away some Ayoes slaves, a woman and three
children, whom they seated before Perrot, and said to
him: "We have borrowed thy guns; they have thun-
dered upon a village, which they have made us eat. See
the effect which they produced, and which we bring to
thee," at the same time displaying these slaves. They
placed forty beaver robes before him, and continued
their speech thus: "We have taken from thee a gar-
ment to dazzle the sight of our enemies and make our-
selves feared by them, and we pay thee for it by this
beaver; we do not pay thee for thy guns and merchan-
dise. If thou art willing to receive us with forgiveness,
we know where are some beavers, for we saw them on
our road [to this place]. If we live a few years, thou
shalt be satisfied; for we did not intend to plunder thee,
and we have only placed thy merchandise to thy credit."
This chief was told that in order to appease the wrath
of Onontio it was necessary to destroy a village of Iro-
quois ; and that they must not attack people who had not
made war on them ; that they were easily forgetting their
own dead [killed by the Iroquois], whom the French
were continually avenging; that they would do well to
send to Montreal one of their chiefs, in order to appease
Onontio; that his fire was lighted, to receive all those
who desired to warm themselves at it - and even the Iro-
quois, although they were his enemies; and that they
might be sure that we would have taken vengeance on
their tribe, if we had not caused all the others to hang
up their hatchets. A chief resolved to accompany that
Frenchman [i.e., Perrot] to Montreal, in order to turn
aside the resentment of Monsieur de Frontenac; and
forty Miamis escorted him as far as the bay. When
they arrived among the Outagamis, the latter dissuaded
90 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
the Maskoutech from going farther; because they told
him that the rule of the French was to hang thieves,
without any pardon, and that he would for love of his
people certainly suffer the same fate- which caused him
to return home.
The English, who had until then made all sorts of
attempts to insinuate themselves among the Outaouaks,
found the finest opportunity in the world for succeeding
in this. As soon as they learned that the Iroquois had
granted life to the son of a Sauteur chief, they procured
his freedom; they had thought that, as his father was
dead, he might succeed the latter, and that the ascend-
ency which he possessed over the minds of his people
would be an effectual means to facilitate to them some
further entrance among the neighbors of the Sauteurs.
The gratitude that this freedman felt (as they believed
beyond doubt) for so great a benefaction must induce
him to engage in any undertaking in favor of his libera-
tors. Moreover, the Iroquois were planning also to
obtain some advantage from this matter; and on both
sides they gave the Sauteur collars and presents in order
to persuade our allies to take sides and carry on trade
with them. He met the Outaouaks out hunting, in the
midst of the winter; they met together to hear the expla-
nation of those collars, and at the same time concluded
to keep the affair secret. They secretly sent, "under
ground," many presents to the Sakis and to the peoples
at the bay, to constrain them to withdraw from the war
against the Iroquois; among those tribes many visits
were made [by the Outaouak envoys], but they replied
that all those solicitations were useless, and that they
would die rather than abandon the interests of the
French. The Sauteurs, who were beginning to realize
that the Iroquois had spared their lives, declared them-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 91
selves against our allies if they intended to continue war
against the Iroquois. Nothing could make them go
back from their decision ; they said that they were men,
capable of resisting whomsoever undertook to thwart
them in what they had resolved. The commandant at
Michillimakinak, when he heard of the friendship of
the Sakis, sent word to them that he and his Frenchmen
would die [for them] if they were attacked, even offer-
ing them his fort as a refuge. The Cinago Outaouaks,
who had declared in favor of the Sauteurs, fearing that
the Sakis would carry far the resentment which they
had displayed against the latter, on the one hand under-
took to reconcile them with the Sakis, and on the other
did everything in their power to turn them aside from
the Iroquois War. They made presents to the Sauteurs,
and gave them a calumet which said that their dead lay
together among the Nadouaissioux, and that, since they
were relatives, they ought to hang up their hatchets this
year -but assuring them of no interference another
year, if they wished to resume the war.
The Outaouaks faithfully kept the secret of the collar
which the Iroquois had given to the Sauteurs, and, in
order not to cause suspicion in the French, they asserted
to Monsieur de Louvigny that they had received it for
the sake of peace, and that they had been urged to be-
come mediators with Onontio for that end. They tried
to persuade that officer to accept this collar himself,
since he was commandant at Michillimakinak; but he
excused himself, and informed them that they must go
to present it to Onontio. They did not hesitate to send
envoys to him, who took advantage of the departure of
the Sakis.
We may say that the Hurons and the Outaouaks were
in extreme blindness about all that concerned the Iro-
92 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
quois, whom they believed to be really their friends; for
while they did whatever the latter wished, in order to
give them substantial proofs of their friendship, the
Iroquois sought, underhand, for occasions to take the
others by surprise. After the departure of those envoys
the Hurons captured two Iroquois, whom they sent back
to their homes with many presents, as a pledge to their
nation that the Outaouak people had no greater desire
than alliance with them -at the same time congratulat-
ing them on having spared the lives of the Sauteurs ; but
the Iroquois did not act in so good faith.
Dabeau, a Frenchman who had been a slave among
them for several years, was with a band of warriors who
went out to attack whomsoever they should encounter;
being left alone with eight of their men and two women,
he killed them all while they were asleep, and took the
women to the first village of our allies that he could
light on, when he found two Hurons hunting beavers.
His fear of being himself slain by men who could have
appropriated to themselves the exploit which he had
performed constrained him to make them a present of
the two slaves, and of the scalps which he had brought
with him. He embarked with them for Michillimak-
inak. The arrival of these two women threw much
light [on the designs of the Iroquois], and the [Huron]
people felt indignation at finding themselves thus de-
ceived. Immediately a war-party was sent out, who laid
violent hands on thirteen Iroquois who were coming to
make war on them ; they killed five and captured seven
of these, and only one escaped. As it was known that
an agreement had been made between the Hurons and
the Iroquois that they would on both sides spare the lives
of captives whom they might take, our people observed
that the Hurons were planning to act thus by these Iro-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 93
quois. Some Frenchmen, seeing them come ashore,
killed two of the captives with their knives; the Hurons
rescued the other five and took them into their village,
and seized their weapons. General disorder arose; the
Outaouaks remained neutral, and stepped aside to be
spectators of the fracas. Nansouakouet, the only friend
of the French, called his warriors together, in order to
support the French in case fighting arose. The Hu-
rons, who knew the generous nature of the French, in-
capable of doing harm to those who were in their power,
hastened to our fort, in order to find an asylum there.
The Hurons did not push their violent acts further; the
old men entreated the commandant not to pay attention
to the insolence of their young men, and brought to him
the chief of the Iroquois band, to dispose of him as he
should think best. Although the character of the French
is opposed to inhumanity, it was impossible to avoid
giving a public example of it [in this case]. The con-
tinual favors which were bestowed on the captives by
our allies -who at heart were more our enemies than
were even the Iroquois -only secured the continuance
on both sides of the secret arrangements which existed
between them; and, in order to exasperate at least the
Iroquois, it was considered best to sacrifice this chief.
For this purpose all the Outaouaks were invited "to
drink the broth of this Iroquois," to express myself after
their manner of speech. A stake was planted, to which
he was attached by his hands and feet, leaving him only
enough freedom to move around it; and a large fire was
kindled near him, in which iron implements, gun-
barrels, and frying-pans were made red-hot, while he
sang his death-song. All being ready, a Frenchman
began to pass a gun-barrel over his feet; an Outaouak
seized another instrument of torture, and one after an-
94 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
other they broiled him as far as the knees, while he con-
tinued to sing tranquilly. But he could not refrain from
uttering loud cries when they rubbed his thighs with
red-hot frying-pans, and he exclaimed that the fire was
stronger than he. At once all the crowd of savages de-
rided him with yells, saying to him, "Thou art a war-
chief, and afraid of fire; thou art not a man!" He was
kept in these torments during two hours, without giving
him any respite; the more he gave way to despair and
struck his head against the stake, the more they flung
jests at him. An Outaouak undertook to refine on this
sort of torture ; he cut a gash along the captive's body,
from the shoulder to the thigh, put gunpowder along
the edges of the wound, and set fire to it This caused
the captive even more intense pain than had the other
torments, and, as he became extremely weak, they gave
him something to drink -but not so much to quench his
thirst as to prolong his torture. When they saw that his
strength began to be exhausted, they cut away his scalp,
and left it hanging behind his back; they lined a large
dish with hot sand and red-hot coals, and covered his
head with it; and then they unbound him, and said to
him, "Thou art granted life." He began to run, falling
and again rising, like a drunken man ; they made him
go in the direction of the setting sun (the country of
souls), shutting him out from the path to the east; and
they allowed him to walk only so far as they were willing
he should go. He nevertheless had still enough strength
to fling stones at random; finally they stoned him, and
every one carried away [a piece of] his broiled flesh.
Those savages who were most incensed quieted down
after the departure of the deputies who carried to Mon-
sieur de Frontenac the Sauteur's collar; and our people
made various attempts to ascertain its real meaning, and
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 95
what reply the Outaouaks and the other tribes made to
the English and the Iroquois. At Michilimakinak there
was a Frenchman who was an intimate friend of one of
the principal council chiefs among our allies ; he assured
this chief of entire protection from Onontio. As man
readily discloses his thought in the midst of joy, the
chief, after being warmed by a little brandy, promised
the Frenchman to meet him next day in the woods,
where he would tell him in confidence the entire condi-
tion of affairs; and the two went to the appointed place.
The Outaouak assured him that the English had sent
to the tribes four collars. By the first they sent word
that they would establish a post on Lake Herier, where
they would come to trade ; the second took the savages
under their protection. By the third, the English ceased
to remember the pillage, by the savages together with
the French, from their warriors who were going to
Michilimakinak; and by the fourth they promised to
furnish their merchandise at lower prices than those
asked by Onontio- who was avaricious and robbed them.
As for the Iroquois, they had sent to these tribes eight
collars. By the first, they said that they remembered the
peace that they had made with La Petite Racine, and
that they had not desired to break it, even though their
brothers the Outaouaks should kill them every day; by
the second, they buried all the dead whom their brothers
had slain. The third hung up a sun at the strait between
Lake Herier and Lake Huron, which should mark the
boundaries between the two peoples, and this sun should
give them light when they were hunting. By the fourth,
they threw into the lake, and into the depths of the earth,
the blood that had been shed, in order that nothing
might be tainted with it. By the fifth, they sent "their
own bowl," so that they might have but one dish from
96 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
which to eat and drink. By the sixth, they promised to
eat the "wild beasts" around them which should be com-
mon [enemies] to both. The seventh was to make them
"eat together of the buffalo," meaning that they would
unite to make war on the Miamis, the Islinois, and other
tribes. By the eighth, they were to eat "the white meat,"
meaning the flesh of the French.
This chief told the Frenchman the replies of the
Outaouaks, who consented to all these demands and sent
return messages by means of collars, red-stone calu-
mets,31 and bales of beaver-skins; and he was secretly
engaged to go down to Montreal and talk with Onontio,
who would not fail to question closely the Sauteurs who
had gone away with the Outaouak deputies.
31 Among the Indians a favorite material for their pipes was "the red clay-
stone called catlinite, obtained from a quarry in southwestern Minnesota, and
so named because it was first brought to the attention of mineralogists by
George Catlin, the noted traveler and painter of Indians. . . When freshly
quarried it is so soft as to be readily carved with stone knives and drilled with
primitive hand drills." The deposit of catlinite occurs in a valley near Pipe-
stone, Minn.; the stratum of pipestone varies from ten to twenty inches in
thickness, the fine, pure-grained stone available for the manufacture of pipes
being, however, only three or four inches thick. The aboriginal excavations
were quite shallow, and extended nearly a mile in length ; but since the en-
trance of the whites into that region the Indians have carried on much more
extensive operations, with the aid of iron implements obtained from the whites.
"This quarry is usually referred to as the sacred pipestone quarry. According
to statements by Catlin and others, the site was held in much superstitious
regard by the aborigines;" and there is reason to believe that it was held and
owned in common, and as neutral ground, by tribes elsewhere hostile to one
another. "Since the earliest visits of the white man to the Coteau des Prairies,
however, the site has been occupied exclusively by the Sioux, and Catlin met
with strong opposition from them when he attempted to visit the quarry about
1837." In 1851 these lands were relinquished to the Federal government, and
by a treaty in 1858 the privilege of freely mining and using the red stone was
guaranteed to the Sioux ; accordingly those people annually obtain from the
quarry so much of the stone as they desire to use. They manufacture pipes and
various trinkets from it, and sell much of the stone to the whites, who in turn
manufacture and sell similar articles, using lathes in making them; in conse-
quence, the genuine Indian products are crowded out of the market, and are
seldom found. — W. H. HOLMES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 97
Chapter XXIII /
The Miamis, continually occupied against the Iro-
quois, levied a force of three hundred warriors. Some
Frenchmen who were in that quarter, looking only at
their own interests, made the savages believe that Onon-
tio desired them to hunt beavers for one winter, to trade
these for ammunition, in order to undertake in the fol-
lowing spring an expedition against the common enemy ;
but this advice did not hinder them from sending out a
war-party, who captured and tomahawked twelve Iro-
quois. Finding themselves pursued by a great number,
in another encounter they killed sixteen of the enemy.
The Sakis and their allies also displayed their fidelity
to Onontio; and it was only the Outagamis and the
Maskoutechs who broke all their promises. They were
implacable against only the Nadouaissioux, whatever
the peace which they had made together, and whatever
the difficulty in which they had found themselves, from
which they were only extricated through the mediation
of the French. This passion for vengeance which domi-
nated them could never be effaced from their minds, and
they set out on the war-path, with all their families.
They destroyed [a village of] eighty cabins of Nadou-
aissioux, and cut to pieces all who offered resistance;
and they practiced unheard-of cruelties on their cap-
tives. In this fight they lost fifteen men, and in revenge
for this they burned two hundred women and children.
Six Frenchmen went among them in order to redeem
some of these slaves, and themselves narrowly escaped
being consigned to the flames. The Miamis were deeply
moved by all these disturbances of the peace; and they
feared that the Nadouaissioux, desiring to take revenge,
would attack them on their journey. As they had not
98 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
been at all implicated with the Maskoutechs, they en-
gaged Perrot to go to the Nadouaissioux, to assure them
of the sympathy felt for them by the Miamis. Perrot
encountered a band of Nadouaissioux who were coming
as scouts against the Maskoutechs, who told him that
at eight leagues above he would find sixty of their men,
who formed an advance-guard to watch lest their ene-
mies should return to the attack. He had no sooner
reached that place than those men approached him, all
bathed in tears, and uttering cries which would touch
even the most unfeeling. After they had wept about
half an hour, they placed him on a bear-skin and carried
him to the summit of a mountain, on which they had
encamped; this was done at the moment when he ap-
peared deeply affected by their disaster. He asked them
to make his arrival known at the French fort; and a few
days later six Nadouaissioux set out with him, to go
thither. He passed through the village, which was en-
tirely ruined, and where nothing could be seen except
melancholy remains from the fury of their enemies; the
laments of those who had escaped from their cruelty
were heard on every side. A Frenchman was there at
this time who called himself a great captain; he had
persuaded the savages, while displaying many pieces of
cloth, that he was unfolding these in order to bring
death on those who had devoured their families -a de-
ception which only served him to get rid of his merchan-
dise more quickly. But when the Nadouaissioux
learned that Perrot had arrived they came to find him at
this village and conducted him to his fort; and he took
advantage of so favorable an opportunity to present to
them the calumet on behalf of the Miamis. It was in
this manner that he delivered his message :
"Chiefs, I weep for the death of your children, whom
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 99
the Outagamis and the Maskoutechs have snatched
from you, while they told lies to me; Heaven has seen
their cruelties, and will punish them for it. This blood
is still too fresh to undertake vengeance for it at once.
God allows you to weep, in order to incline him toward
you ; but he declares against you and will not aid you if
you set out on the war-path this summer. I have heard
that you are assembling together to seek your enemies;
they form but one body, and are resolutely awaiting you.
They have entrenched themselves in a strong fort; the
Outagamis have with them the greater part of their prey,
and will certainly massacre those captives if you make
your appearance. I cover your dead, by placing over
them two kettles. I do not bury them deep in the
ground, and intend only to protect them from the bad
weather until Onontio has heard of your loss; he will
deliberate on what he can do for you. I will go to see
him, and will try to obtain from him that he should
cause the restoration of your children who are slaves
among your enemies; it is not possible that he should
not be moved by compassion. The Miamis, who are his
children, obeyed him when I told them in his behalf to
put a stop to the war which they were waging against
you; they have heard of your affliction, and they weep
for your calamity. See their calumet which they have
sent you; they send you word that they disapprove the
actions of the Maskoutechs and the Outagamis. They
ask you to renew this alliance which exists between them
and you ; and, if you send out war-parties to go to find
your bones, do not make a mistake by perhaps attacking
their families on your way."
This discourse was followed by many bitter lamenta-
tions ; only cries and songs of death were heard. They
seized burning brands, with which they burned their
ioo LA POTHERIE [Vol.
own bodies, without making any display of pain, repeat-
ing many times this expression of despair, Kabato! Ka-
bato! and they scorched their flesh, with wonderful forti-
tude.
Perrot, having allowed them time to yield to the
natural emotions all that a just resentment could inspire
in them, placed before them several brasses of tobacco,
and said: "Smoke, chiefs! smoke, warriors! and smoke
peacefully, in the expectation that I will send back to
you some of your women and children, whom I will
draw out from the mouths of your enemies. Place all
your confidence in Onontio ["Monsieur de Fronte-
nac" - La Potherie], who is the master of the land, and
from whom you will receive all sorts of satisfaction."
Then he gave them five or six packages of knives, and
again spoke to them: "These knives are for skinning
beavers, and not for lifting the scalps of men ; use them
until you have tidings from Onontio."
The Frenchmen who had detained them to trade for
their peltries were obliged to come to the fort to sell
their merchandise. He whom they had regarded as a
great captain having arrived there, the savages went to
find him, and told him that, since the goods which he
had displayed to them would cause the deaths of the
Outagamis and the Maskoutechs, they desired to sing
to him and Perrot some "funeral calumets," in order
that these might aid them in their enterprises. They
said: "We have resolved not to leave our dead until
we have carried away [the people of] a village, whom
we intend to sacrifice to their shades. We recognize the
Miamis as our brothers, and we are going to send depu-
ties to make peace with them. We do not bear much
ill-will to the Outagamis for their having carried away
our women, for they have spared their lives, and did not
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 101
pursue them when they ran away from them. Ten of
the women have arrived here, who report to us that the
Outagamis have good hearts, and that they take it ill
that the Maskoutechs have eaten all their slaves. Here
are three young men who have just arrived, who report
that for one Maskoutech who was killed in the battle
they have burned and put to death twenty of our wives
and children; and that in their retreat their only food
was our flesh."
This Frenchman said that he was ready to receive the
calumet, if Perrot was willing to accept the other. The
Nadouaissioux assembled in the cabin of the war-chief,
where they went through the ceremonies connected with
calumets of war ; they made the two Frenchmen smoke
these, and placed the ashes of the tobacco in the ground,
invoking the [Great] Spirit, the sun, the stars, and all
the other spirits. With difficulty Perrot refused this
calumet, excusing himself as being only a child, who
could not do anything without the consent of his father.
He said that he had come to weep for their dead, and to
bring them the calumet for the Miamis, who had had
no share in the barbarous act of their enemies; and that
if they would give him a calumet as a response to the
Miamis he would carry it to them. But he could not
declare against the Maskoutechs, who would distrust
him because they would not fail to hear that the "funer-
al calumets" had been sung to him. He said that he had
very strong reason to complain of them, since he had run
the risk of being himself burned among them; but that
everything must be referred to Onontio. The Nadou-
aissioux admitted that he was right, and said that they
would hang up the war-club until they should have in-
formed Monsieur de Frontenac of all that had occurred.
The Outagamis would have been glad if the Frenchmen
102 LA PQTHERIE [Vol.
had conducted some Nadouaissioux to them to arrange
for peace; they were much encumbered with their pris-
oners, and they were not ignorant that their proceedings
had been contrary to the law of nations. The Nadou-
aissioux did not think it best to expose their deputies,
alone [to danger], and to the number of thirty they set
out for the Miami village; and they spent some time on
the bank of the Missisipi, at a French post opposite the
lead mine. Notice was given to the Miamis of the ar-
rival of envoys from the Nadouaissioux, and forty of
them set out to join the latter. The conference that took
place between these two tribes was occupied with offers
of service from one, and lamentations on the part of
the other. The Nadouaissioux (according to their cus-
tom) poured many tears on the heads of the Miamis,
who made them a present of a young girl and a little
boy whom they had rescued from the hands of the Mas-
koutechs. They covered the dead of the Nadouaissioux
by giving them eight kettles, assuring them of their
friendship, and made the chiefs smoke -promising them
that they would obtain as many as they could of their
[captive] women and children. They held secret con-
ferences (unknown to the French) during one night,
and the Miamis swore the entire destruction of the Mas-
koutechs. Our people sent word to a village of Miamis,
established on the other side of the Missisipi, that we
had something to communicate to them from Onontio;
and they came, to the number of twenty-five. They
were told that in the post where they were settled they
were of no use for supporting Onontio in the Iroquois
War; that they would obtain no more supplies for war
unless they turned the war-club against the Iroquois;
and that they ought to fear that the Nadouaissioux
would fall upon them when that people should go to
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 103
take vengeance for their dead upon the Maskou techs.
They promised to locate their fires at Maramek. They
would have done so at the Saint Joseph River, at the
solicitation of the chief of that district; but his refusal
to furnish them gunpowder and balls gave them too un-
favorable an opinion of his avarice to attract them to a
union with him. The Maskoutechs got wind of the
meeting between the Nadouaissioux and the Miamis
that was brought about by Perrot; and they imagined
that this could only be the result of his remembering the
injuries that they had done him. [Accordingly] they
immediately swore his ruin, and flattered themselves
that, by plundering all the property of Perrot and the
Frenchmen who were with him, they would have the
means for taking flight more easily to the Iroquois
country if they had to give way under the power of the
[other] tribes. One night they tried to take him by sur-
prise, but some dogs -who have a very strong antipathy
for the savages, who commonly eat them -caused them
to be discovered; and this obliged Perrot to put himself
in an attitude of defense. The Maskoutechs, whose at-
tack had miscarried, retreated without making any
further effort; and their fear lest the French and the
Miamis might form a league with the Nadouaissioux
against them induced them to send one of their chiefs to
Maramek, to sound the Miamis adroitly. He there en-
countered Perrot, with whom he had a private conver-
sation. The savage is ordinarily politic and very pliant
in behavior ; this man said to Perrot with a smile, "Thou
rememberest what I did to thee ; thou art seeking to re-
venge thyself," and told him that he was sure that the
tribes felt much resentment against the Nadouaissioux,
who knew well that they were surrounded on all sides
by their enemies; but that what was causing the Mas-
104 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
koutechs most regret was the seizure that they had made
of all his merchandise -for which, it would appear, he
sought an opportunity to take revenge. It was a matter
of prudence not to exasperate this chief too much, and
unreasonable acts often cause ruinous results; and it
might be that, if he were told that the French would
find means to put a stop to all the annoyances to which
they were continually exposed, the Maskoutechs would
come and attack the Miamis, as people who no longer
placed bounds to their conduct with any one whatever.
Perrot contented himself with very concisely upbraid-
ing the Maskoutech for all his tribe's acts of perfidy, in
regard to not only the French but the Nadouaissioux.
Meanwhile some young Maskoutech warriors came into
their cabin, who told this chief that he was required at
the village, and that their men had discovered the army
of the Nadouaissioux at the lead mine. He was very
ready to break off the conversation, and ran precipitate-
ly into the village, where he uttered shouts to notify his
men, who were dispersed, that they must retreat to their
own village in order to build a fort as quickly as pos-
sible.
The principal chiefs of the Miamis took advantage
of the departure of the French, who were going back to
Montreal, and nearly all the village escorted them as
far as the Bay of Puans. The Sakis and the Pouteou-
atemis wished to be also of this party; and on all sides
were heard many expressions of eagerness to go to hear
the voice of Monsieur de Frontenac. The Frenchmen
devoted themselves, while waiting for their embarca-
tion, to the deliverance of the Nadouaissioux prisoners
who were among the Outagamis. The latter had re-
ceived as a present two Iroquois from the Miamis of
Chikagon; and policy restrained them from burning
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 105
these captives, because they hoped that, in case the
Nadouaissioux came to attack their village, they could
immediately retire with their families among the Iro-
quois, who would protect them from their enemies.
They were persuaded [by the French] that all the peo-
ples of these quarters desired their complete ruin; the
Sauteurs had been plundered, the French treated in a
brutal manner, and all their allies insulted. They had
intended to send to the Iroquois one of their chiefs, with
these two liberated captives, in order to invite that na-
tion to join them on the confines of Saint Joseph River,
and were inclined to ask the Maskoutechs to unite with
them -which would have enabled them to collect a body
of nine hundred warriors, in order to attack first the
Miamis and the Islinois. The son of the great chief of
the Outagamis came to the bay, where he had a secret
conversation with one of the most distinguished French-
men. It was no sooner learned that he had resolved to
go down to Montreal than some men of his tribe did all
that they could to hinder him from this; but he told
them that he was very glad to visit the French colony.
The French departed as soon as they had sent some Na-
douaissioux, whom they had redeemed, back to their
own country.
Chapter XXIV
The Outaouaks at Michilimakinak conceived jeal-
ousy at the arrival of these newcomers, and did what
they could to make them return each to his own country;
it was suspected that they were still plotting something
against the French nation. An Outaouak was adroitly
sounded, in order to find out [if there were] new in-
trigues, and many presents were promised to him. He
asked for a drink of brandy, intending to feign intoxi-
io6 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
cation, so that he could make one of his companions talk
who was actually in that condition; he told the latter,
very angrily, that he would prevent the scheme of the
Michilimakinak people from succeeding. The other
replied that he was not able to prevent it; and there was
much disputing on both sides. The Outaouak acknowl-
edged, privately, that the Hurons had gone to the Iro-
quois, with a calumet ornamented with plumes, and
several collars, in order to carry the message of the Outa-
ouaks; the latter asked for full union with the Iroquois,
and desired to abandon the side of the French, in order
to place themselves under the protection of the English.
Our people attempted to gain further and more thor-
ough information by means of another Outaouak, who
was the most influential man in that tribe ; and he was
regarded as the most faithful friend of the French. He
said only this, that the Hurons, pretending to go to
Sakinan in search of medicinal herbs, had really gone
to the Iroquois country. Soon afterward it was learned
that the Hurons were to bring some of the Iroquois with
them to make arrangements, during the coming winter,
for the place of rendezvous ; but they did not fail to send
chiefs to Montreal to beguile Monsieur de Frontenac.
The Outagamis were very undecided over the conduct
that they should observe in regard to the Iroquois, since
the son of their chief had gone to visit our governor;
whatever inclination they may have felt for the Iroquois,
they concluded to await his return. The Hurons and
the Outaouaks practiced all their tricks, as they had
planned. Monsieur de Frontenac gave them several
public audiences, at which they presented to him collars
which assured him of their unshakable attachment. They
returned home well pleased, and kept on the defensive
in the river of the Outaouaks, not daring even to travel
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 107
in the daytime for fear of the Iroquois-who on the voy-
age down the river had killed one of their men, and
wounded a Frenchman and the Huron chief Le Baron.
We can say that all those peoples were strangely blind
as to their own interests. There was [among them] only
eagerness to become attached to the Iroquois, whom they
believed to be their friends -who, however, did not
spare them when they could find an opportunity [to at-
tack them] ; but when it was a question of declaring in
our favor they did so in the most indifferent possible
manner.
Soon after their departure from Montreal, a rumor
circulated that six hundred Iroquois were coming to
ravage all our coasts; Monsieur de Frontenac made a
general review of all his troops, and detached ten or
twelve hundred men to resist the enemy at the start. The
Pouteouatemis, the Sakis, the Malhominis, and that son
of the great chief of the Outagamis undertook to go out
themselves scouting as far as Lake Frontenac. The
zeal that they displayed in this emergency deeply
touched the governor, and he made them many presents
on their return; and he assured the Outagami that, al-
though his tribe had always been hostile to us, by plun-
dering and insulting the French, they would be num-
bered with our allies.
Meanwhile the fleet of the French and the allies who
were bringing their peltries arrived at Montreal ; they
informed us of the death of the famous Outaouak chief
Nansoaskouet, who had been slain among the Osages.32
32 The Osage (a name corrupted by French traders from Wazhazhe, their
own name) are the most important southern Siouan tribe of the western di-
vision. Dorsey classed them "in one group with the Omaha, Ponca, Kansa,
and Quapaw, with whom they are supposed to have originally constituted a
single body living along the lower course of the Ohio River. . . The first
historical notice of the Osage appears to be on Marquette's autograph map of
1673, which locates them apparently on Osage River, and there they are placed
io8 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
He was the supporter of the French in his own country,
and had been an opponent of the English, in spite of his
tribe. He had gone to the Islinois the preceding
autumn, at the solicitation of his warriors, who for a
long time tried to deprive us of the succor which the
tribes of the south were giving us in the Iroquois War.
He had, I say, gone to the Islinois, to avenge the death
of the son of Talon (who had died from sickness in the
war which he had undertaken to wage on the Kancas
and the Osages), and had induced all the Islinois to
join his expedition. In the attack on a village they en-
countered sturdy resistance; Nansoaskoiiet, who tried
to storm it, pushed too far in advance [of his men]
and was surrounded, and they pierced him with arrows,
which caused his death. The Outaouaks who had come
down in this fleet brought some presents and an Osage
slave, by way of announcing to Monsieur de Frontenac
the death of this great chief; he made answer to them
that they ought first to take revenge against the Iroquois,
who had slain his nephew (meaning Nansoaskoiiet's),
and that he would send his warriors against the Osages
by all subsequent writers until their removal westward in the nineteenth cen-
tury. . . In 1714 they assisted the French in defeating the Foxes at Detroit.
Although visits of traders were evidently quite common before 1719, the first
official French visit appears to have been in that year by Du Tisne, who learned
that their village on Osage River then contained 100 cabins and 200 warriors.
The village of the Missouri was higher up. "Then, as always, the tribe was
at war with most of the surrounding peoples." By a treaty of Nov. 10, 1808,
the Osage ceded a large part of their lands to the United States, and still
more by later agreements. "The limits of their present reservation were es-
tablished by act of Congress of July 15, 1870. This consists (1906) of
1,470,058 acres, and in addition the tribe possessed funds in the Treasury of
the United States amounting to $8,562,690, including a school fund of $119,911,
the whole yielding an annual income of $428,134. Their income from pas-
turage leases amounted to $98,376 in the same year, and their total annual
income was therefore about $265 per capita, making this tribe the richest in
the entire United States. By act of June 28, 1906, an equal division of the
lands and funds of the Osage was provided for." Their population in the
last-named year was 1,994, having dwindled to that figure from some 5.000
a century ago. - JOHN R. SWANTON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 109
and the Kancas. This response pleased them little, be-
cause, as the savages are very capricious, they do not
allow themselves to be easily influenced by mere prom-
ises. They went back, however, to Michilimakinak, as
did all our allies, with the wife of the chief of the
Nadouaissioux, who had been one of the prisoners whom
the Outagamis had taken ; she was sold to an Outaouak,
and ransomed by a Frenchman who brought her to
Montreal. There remained only one Nadouaissioux,
who was kept there some time; our people were very
glad to let him see the colony, in order that he might
give his own people some idea of the power of the
French. He had come expressly to arouse in Monsieur
de Frontenac some compassion for their calamity.
-, Chapter XXV
Monsieur the Count de Frontenac had reason to be-
lieve that the Hurons and the Outaouaks had spoken to
him with open heart in the audiences that he had given
them; but he was much surprised to learn that the Hu-
rons had sent ambassadors to the Iroquois, and the Iro-
quois to the Hurons. The French commandant at
Michilimakinak did not doubt that the presence of these
latter would cause a great disturbance, and tried to make
the Outaouaks tomahawk them. Great disorder pre-
vailed, and the savages generally took up arms against
him; they were, however, obliged to send the envoys
back to their homes, for fear of some accident. The
Outaouaks departed, the following winter, in order to
hunt game at the rendezvous that they had appointed,
where they were to conclude a full and substantial peace.
They had taken the precaution to leave at Michilimaki-
nak a chief to keep up friendly intercourse with the
French, and as a pledge of their fidelity to Onontio,
no LAPOTHERIE [Vol.
without letting it be known that they had any premedi-
tated design -even asserting that, if they saw any Iro-
quois, they would gradually lure them on, in order to
"put them into the kettle." The French affected not to
distrust their fidelity, but sent an envoy to the Bay of
Puans to induce our allies to send out meantime some
bands who could hinder this [proposed] interview. At
the bay were found only the old men -as at that time all
the young men were out hunting except those who had
gone down to Montreal, who had [not yet?] returned
home -and one chief, who was told that a favorable op-
portunity now offered itself which might secure for him
recommendation to Onontio, from whom he would re-
ceive all possible advantages if he would go to persuade
his people to fight the Iroquois at the rendezvous which
the latter had granted to the Outaouaks. He promised
that he would go gladly, for love of Onontio, and imme-
diately set out without attempting to make a war-feast
beforehand. The Outagamis were weaned from the
ardor that they had had for going with their families
to join the Iroquois. The son of their chief, who had
returned from Montreal, made a deep impression on
their minds by the account which he gave of the power
of the French. The Sakis had always supported our
interests during that time; they lost some men and va-
rious captives were taken from them, for they found
themselves surrounded by six hundred Iroquois who
were going to Montreal for war. It was this army (who
had been discovered by our Iroquois of the Saut),
whom the Outagami chief's son and our other allies had
gone to reconnoiter at Lake Frontenac. These Sakis were
taken to Onnontague, where the ambassadors of the Hu-
rons had arrived; and the Onnontaguais 33 censured the
33 Onondaga (or Onontagues), one of the Iroquois Five Nations, formerly
living on Onondaga Lake, N.Y., and extending northward to Lake Ontario,
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE in
Hurons for coming to treat of peace while their allies
the Sakis were killing the Iroquois. The Hurons re-
plied that they did not regard the Sakis as friends or
as allies; and for the purpose of confirming this asser-
tion they immediately burned the hands and cut off the
finger ends of the Saki prisoners. The Outagamis and
the Sakis made every possible effort to form a peace
with the Nadouaissioux. They promised the French
that they would, if the latter would prevent the incur-
sions of the Nadouaissioux, take the war-path against
the Iroquois to the number of twelve or fifteen hundred
men ; and even that, if the Outaouaks made peace with
that nation, they would strike higher up -"in order to
clear the road," they said, "which the Outaouaks would
proceed to close against the French who should come
to trade at the bay and with the southern tribes." All
the Frenchmen who were in those quarters were called
together; and it was decided that an attempt must be
made to restrain the Nadouaissioux, to the end that the
Outagamis might place in the field an expedition that
would without fail be successful. The French bought
six boys and six girls, the children of chiefs, besides the
great chief's wife whom they already had; and they set
out across the country to conduct these captives to the
Nadouaissioux. Perrot was selected to transact this
business; he also held special orders from Monsieur de
and southward to perhaps the Susquehanna. Their principal village, Onon-
daga, was also the capital of the confederation ; and their present reserve is in
the valley of Onondaga Creek. "Many of the Onondaga joined the Catholic
Iroquois colonies on the St. Lawrence, and in 1751 about half of the tribe
was said to be living in Canada." In 1775 most of the Iroquois took sides
with the British, who at the close of the war granted them lands on Grand
River, Ont, where a part of them still reside. "The rest are still in New
York, the greater number being on the Onondaga reservation, and the others
with the Seneca and Tuscarora on their several reservations. . . In 1906
the Onondaga in New York numbered 553, the rest of the tribe being with the
Six Nations in Canada." — J. N. B. HEWITT, in Handbook Amer, Indians.
ii2 LAPOTHERIE [Vol.
Frontenac for other enterprises. He arrived in the
country of the Miamis, who sent people to meet him
and point out to him their village, having learned from
some one of their people who had come from Montreal
that he was coming to see them again. On his arrival he
announced to them that Onontio gave positive orders
that they should quit their [present] fires, and light
them at the Saint Joseph River; for the execution of this
order they gave him, on their part, five collars. He
told them that he was going to make efforts to restrain
the Nadouaissioux, and to return to them some slaves
whom he had rescued from their enemies; and he ad-
monished them all to be present in their village on his
return thither. The Nadouaissioux had sent to the Mi-
amis seven of their women, whom they had rescued from
the hands of the Maskoutechs; and the Miamis made
them presents of eight kettles, a quantity of Indian corn,
and tobacco.
Chapter XXVI
Twelve hundred Nadouaissioux, Sauteurs, Ayoes, and
even some Outaouaks were then on the march against
the Outagamis and the Maskoutechs, and likewise were
not to spare the Miamis. They had resolved to take
revenge on the French, if they did not encounter their
enemies. These warriors were only three days' journey
distant from the Miami village from which Perrot had
departed ; they learned that he was coming among them
with their women and children and the wife of the
great chief. This was enough to make them lay down
their arms and suspend war until they had heard what
he had to say to them. He reached his fort, where he
learned these circumstances ; he was also told that it was
believed that the Miamis were already routed. As he
did not know that the Nadouaissioux had the news that
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 113
he was coming, he sent to them two Frenchmen, who
came back the next day with their great chief. I cannot
express the joy that they displayed when they saw their
women. The remembrance of the loss of the other cap-
tives caused at the same time so much grief that it was
necessary to allow a day's time to their tears and all the
lamentations that they uttered. According to them,
Perrot was a chief whose "feet were on the ground and
his head in the sky;" he was also the "master of the
whole earth," and they heaped on him expressions of
joy and endearment, regarding him as a divinity. They
were so busy in weeping hot tears on his head and on the
captives, and in gazing on the sun with many exclama-
tions, that he could not obtain from them any satisfac-
tion. On the next day they told him that when "the
men" arrived they would render him thanks; it is thus
that all the savages are designated among themselves,
while they call the French "French," and the [other]
people from Europe by the names of their respective
nations. They are persuaded that in all the world they
are the only real men; and the greatest praise that they
can bestow on a Frenchman whose worth they recog-
nize is when they say to him, "Thou art a man." When
they wish to show him that they have contempt for him,
they tell him that he is not a man. The chief desired to
bring up all his men near the fort, but the Sauteurs, the
Ayoe's, and several villages of the Nadouaissioux had
made their arrangements for hunting beaver, and there
were only two villages, of about fifty cabins each, who
came to the fort. After the Nadouaissioux had en-
camped, this chief sent to ask Perrot to come to his
cabin, with all the men who had accompanied him. His
brother, seeing a Saki, exclaimed that he was an Outa-
gami, saying, "Behold the man who has eaten me!"
This Saki, knowing well that he was not safe, offered
LA POTHERIE [Vol.
him his calumet, which the Nadouaissioux refused. A
Miami, who also was with the French, took his own
calumet and offered it, which he accepted. Perrot gave
his own calumet to the Saki, and told him to offer it;
the Nadouaissioux did not dare to refuse, and took and
smoked it -but with the cries and tears of an angry man,
calling the Great Spirit, the Sky, the Earth, and all the
spirits to witness that he asked to be pardoned if he re-
ceived the calumet which his enemy offered him, which
he dared not refuse because it belonged to a captain
whom he esteemed. There was no one save a woman
whom this very Saki had rescued from slavery who
could prove who he was. He was so frightened that, if
he had not felt some confidence in the outcome, he would
have longed to be far away. During several days feasts
were made, and the result of this conference was, that
the Nadouaissioux were very willing to make peace with
the Outagamis if the latter would restore the rest of
their people ; but in regard to the Maskoutechs they had,
together with the Miamis, sworn to ruin them ; and they
parted, each according to his own side. The Miamis
were advised not to rely on the Nadouaissioux, and they
were more than ever attracted to the idea of abandoning
Maramek in order to settle on Saint Joseph River, as
Onontio had commanded them. They were given two
hundred pounds of gunpowder in order to procure sub-
sistence for their families while on the journey, and to
kill any Iroquois whom they might meet The Saki
who had been so frightened in the cabin of the Nadou-
aissioux chief took to flight, and filled the Outagamis
with such alarm that even the women and children
worked, day and night, to build a fort in which they
could make themselves safe. The arrival of one of their
men, who was out hunting beaver, increased their ter-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 115
ror. He had indeed seen the camp of the Nadouaissioux
army, but had not been able to consider whether it was
recently made. The alarm therefore broke out more
wildly than ever; they made many harangues to en-
courage all the warriors to make a stout defense; and
each vied with the others in showing the best way of
ordering the combat. Word was sent to the bay to in-
form the tribes of the march of the Nadouaissioux, and
at the same time to ask them to furnish aid to that peo-
ple. Scouts went out in all directions; some reported
that they had seen the fires of the army and some freshly-
killed animals, at two days' distance; and others, who
arrived the next day, said that the army was only one
day's march from there. Finally, people came in great
haste to say that the river was all covered with canoes,
and that, from all appearances the general attack was to
be made at night; nothing, however, was visible. Per-
rot, who was then among them, wished to go in person
to reconnoiter; but they prevented him from this, in the
fear which they felt, [imagining that] by detaining him
the enemy would not come to surprise them. Some
hunters, who had been bolder than the others, reported
that the [alleged] camp had been made the preceding
winter. Their minds began to regain confidence, and
they no longer sought for anything save the means for
sending back their prisoners in order to secure peace,
and for making ready after that to march against the
Iroquois; and they again entreated Perrot to be their
mediator for peace. He went among them and pro-
posed to them the above arrangement, which they ac-
cepted; and promised to conduct their people [to the
Nadouaissioux country] in the moon when the [wild]
bulls would be rutting. The savages divide the year
into twelve moons, to which they give the names of ani-
ri6 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
mals, but which are similar to our months. Thus, Jan-
uary and February are the first and second moons, when
the bears bring forth their young; March is the moon of
the carp, and April that of the crane; May is the moon
of the Indian corn ; June, the moon when the wild geese
shed their feathers; July, that when the bear is in rut;
August, the rut of the bulls; September, that of the elk;
October, the rut of the moose; November, that of the
deer; December, the moon when the horns of the deer
fall off. The tribes who dwell about the [Great] Lakes
call September the moon when the trout milt; October,
that of the whitefish ; and November, that of the herring ;
to the other months they give the same names as do those
who live inland. 34 Perrot then assured them that at the
34 "Although the methods of computing time had been carried to an ad-
vanced stage among the cultured tribes of Mexico and Central America, the
Indians north of Mexico had not brought them beyond the simplest stage.
The alternation of day and night and the changes of the moon and the seasons
formed the bases of their systems. The budding, blooming, leafing, and fruit-
ing of vegetation, the springing forth, growth, and decay of annuals, and the
molting, migration, pairing, etc., of animals and birds, were used to denote
the progress of the seasons. The divisions of the day differed, many tribes
recognizing four diurnal periods — the rising and setting of the sun, noon, and
midnight — while full days were usually counted as so many nights or sleeps.
The years were generally reckoned, especially in the far north, as so many
winters or so many snows; but in the Gulf States, where snow is rare and the
heat of summer the dominant feature, the term for year had some reference to
this season or to the heat of the sun. As a rule the four seasons — spring, sum-
mer, autumn, and winter — were recognized and specific names applied to
them; but the natural phenomena by which they were determined, and from
which their names were derived, varied according to latitude and environment,
and as to whether the tribe was in the agricultural or the hunter state. . . The
most important time division to the Indians north of Mexico was the moon, or
month, their count of this period beginning with the new moon." Some tribes
counted twelve moons to the year, and some thirteen. "There appears to
have been an attempt on the part of some tribes to compensate for the surplus
days in the solar year. Carver (Travels, ed. 1796, 160), speaking of the
Sioux or the Chippewa, says that when thirty moons have waned they add a
supernumerary one, which they term the lost moon. . . The Indians gen-
erally calculated their ages by some remarkable event or phenomenon which
had taken place within their remembrance; but few Indians of mature years
could possibly tell their age before learning the white man's way of counting
time. Sticks were sometimes notched by the Indians as an aid in time
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 117
time of the bulls' rutting he would be present at the
mouth of the Ouisconk [i.e., the Wisconsin River],
where the peace was to be concluded. He sent word to
the Outagamis to have the Nadouaissioux slaves all
ready; the chiefs met together for that purpose, and
placed all the slaves in one cabin. Then they suddenly
heard death-cries from the other side of their river; they
believed that the Nadouaissioux had defeated the Mi-
amis, and immediately sent messengers to find out how
affairs stood; and these reported that the Nadouaissioux
had destroyed forty of the Miami cabins, in which all
the women and children and fifty-five men had been
killed. This act of hostility against people whom they
regarded as friends made them suspect that the Nadou-
aissioux would not spare them [even] after they had
sent back the people of the latter. Twelve Frenchmen
immediately set out with Perrot in order to try to over-
take the Nadouaissioux, and to induce them to give back
the slaves whom they had just taken. They reached the
French fort which is in the country of those peoples, and
there they obtained information of everything. The
French undertook to join the Nadouaissioux, in a vil-
lage which was inaccessible on account of numberless
swamps, from which they could not extricate themselves ;
and they traveled through the bogs, without food for
four days. All these Frenchmen took refuge on a little
island, except two who, still trying to find some exit,
encountered two hunters, who conducted them to their
village. The Nadouaissioux were unwilling to send for
the other Frenchmen, not daring to let them enter
[their village] on account of their fear lest the French
counts. . . Some of the northern tribes kept records of events by means of
symbolic figures or pictographs ;" some of these are described in the loth and
lyth annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology. - CYRUS THOMAS, in Hand-
book Amer. Indians.
n8 LAPOTHERIE [Vol.
would kill them in order to avenge the Miamis. The
latter sent presents to the Outagamis, with entreaties to
furnish them assistance and with them avenge their dead,
by a general march [against the Nadouaissioux], which
they would make in the approaching winter. The com-
mandant of Michilimakinak, when he heard of the
treachery of the Nadouaissioux, wrote to Perrot to make
the Miamis hang up the war-club, so that he could go
to the Nadouaissioux country and bring away all the
Frenchmen, as he did not wish them to become the vic-
tims of this new war; and he had even resolved to de-
stroy that people who had so injured our best friends.
The Miamis, who had abandoned everything to escape
from that furious attack, were destitute of ammunition
and of many articles which they obtained only from the
French, who exchanged these for peltries. The Outa-
gamis were resolved to give their lives for the cause of
the Miamis, in case the French would consent to this;
the Kikabous also asked for nothing better. A general
expedition was formed to go to join the Miamis, their
women and children also going with them. Perrot met
on the way four Miamis, whom the chief had sent to ask
that he would come to their camp ; and he left all that
procession, to go thither. The allies, being in sight of
the camp, fired some gunshots as a signal of his arrival ;
and all the Miami young men stood in rows, and
watched him pass them. He heard a voice saying Paku-
mikol which signifies in their language, "Tomahawk
him!" and he rightly judged that there was some decree
of death against him ; but he feigned to take no notice
of this speech, .and continued his walk to the chief's
cabin, where he called together the most prominent men
among them. He set forth to them that, as he had not
been able to secure a more favorable opportunity for
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 119
giving them proofs of the interest which he took in the
matters which concerned their tribe, he had engaged the
Outagamis and Kikabous who were following him to
take up arms to avenge the Miami dead against the
Nadouaissioux. These words turned aside the evil de-
sign which they had formed against him, and they re-
galed him. At the same time there arrived a young
man, who brought the news that the Frenchmen who
were living in the Nadouaissioux country were at the
portage. The chief assigned fifty women to transport
their bales of peltries ; but the young men, who had re-
ceived a private order to plunder these, carried off every-
thing that they could into the woods, and hid themselves
there. The chief, being informed of this act, pretended
to make a great commotion in the village, to the end
that they should bring back what had been stolen; but
there was one of the people who objected that this pil-
lage had been made with the chief's consent, since he had
even ordered them to kill the French ; and very few of
the peltries were brought back. A great tumult arose
among the chiefs, who quarreled together, some taking
the side of the French, and others that of the tribe. In
that place were three different tribes: the Pepikokis,
the Mangakokis, and the Peouanguichias 35 (who had
conspired against the French) . One of their chiefs said
that he knew how to plunder merchandise and slay men,
35 The Piankashaw were formerly a subtribe of the Miami, but later a
separate people. La Salle induced some of them to come to his fort in Illinois;
Cadillac mentions them (1695) as being "west of the Miami village on St.
Joseph's River, Mich., with the Mascoutens, Kickapoo, and other tribes;" and
a little later they had a village on Kankakee River. Their ancient village
was on the Wabash, at the junction of the Vermillion; later they formed another
village, at the present site of Vincennes, Ind. In the beginning of the nine-
teenth century they and the Wea began to remove to Missouri, and in 1832
both tribes sold their lands to the government and went to a reservation in
Kansas, in 1867 again removing to Oklahoma with the Peoria (with whom
they had united about 1854). "The Piankashaw probably never numbered
120 LA PQTHERIE [Vol.
and that, since his children had been eaten by the Sioux
(who had formerly been his enemies), on whom the
French had taken pity, obliging the Miamis to make
peace with them, he would now avenge himself on the
French. Four of his warriors immediately sang [their
war-song], to invite their comrades to join all together
in an attack on the French. Two other tribes, who had
always had much intercourse with us, at the same time
took up arms ; they obliged the others to cross the river
the next day, after reproaching them with having robbed
themselves in pillaging the Frenchmen, who were com-
ing to succor them. "It is we," they said, "who have
been ill-treated by the Nadouaissioux, whom we re-
garded as our allies ; why stir up an unseasonable quarrel
with the French, with whom you ought not to have any
strife?" Those who had been so well-intentioned re-
quested from the French only four men to accompany
them to the Nadouaissioux country, in order that, in
case the enemy should be entrenched there, the French-
men might show them how to undermine the fort. They
would not depend at all upon the rest of the Frenchmen,
many more than 1,000 souls. . . In 1825 there were only 234. remaining,
and in 1906 all the tribes consolidated under the name of Peoria numbered but
192, none of whom was of pure blood."
The Pepikokia are "an Algonquian tribe or band mentioned in the latter
part of the seventeenth century as a division of the Miami. In 1718 both they
and the Piankashaw were mentioned as villages of the Wea. That the rela-
tion between these three groups was intimate is evident. They were located
on the Wabash by Chauvignerie (1736) and other writers of the period.
They are spoken of in 1695 as Miamis of Maramek River, that is, the Kala-
mazoo. A letter dated 1701 (Margry, Decou<vertes> vol. iv, 592) indicates that
they were at that time in Wisconsin. Chauvignerie says that Wea, Piankashaw,
and Pepikokia 'are the same nation, though in different villages,' and that
'the devices of these Indians are the Serpent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn.'
They were sometimes called Nation de la Grue, as though the crane was their
totem. They disappear from history before the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury and may have become incorporated in the Piankashaw, whose principal
village was on the Wabash at the junction of the Vermillion. - JAMES MOONEY,
in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 121
whom they even entreated to return to the bay. Orders
were given to these four men to desert when they should
come within a day's journey from the French fort, in
order to give warning there to keep on their guard, and
to inform the Sauteurs of the plans of the Miamis, who
intended to slaughter them. The Miamis began their
march, and crossed the river; only a few chiefs were
left, who spent the night with the Frenchmen. At nine
o'clock in the evening the moon was eclipsed ; and they
heard at the camp a volley of three hundred gunshots,
and yells as if they were being attacked; these sounds
were repeated. These chiefs asked the Frenchmen what
they saw in the sky ; the latter answered that the Moon
was sad on account of the pillage that they had suffered.
The chiefs answered, gazing .at the moon: "This is
the reason for all the gunshots and cries that you hear.
Our old men have taught us that when the Moon is
sick it is necessary to assist her by discharging arrows
and making a great deal of noise, in order to cause terror
in the spirits who are trying to cause her death ; then she
regains her strength, and returns to her former condi-
tion. If men did not aid her she would die, and we
would no longer see clearly at night; and thus we could
no longer separate the twelve months of the year."
The Miamis continued to fire their guns, and only
ceased when the eclipse was ended; on this occasion
they did not spare the gunpowder that they had taken
from us. It would have been very easy for the French
to bind these chiefs and sacrifice them to the Nadouais-
sioux, but the Miamis could have taken vengeance for
this on our missionaries, on our Frenchmen at the Saint
Joseph River, and on those at Chikagon ; and our men
took the road to the bay. They met three cabins of Outa-
gamis, who were surprised at their return, and at seeing
122 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
their canoes; they concluded that the Miamis had stolen
these, but the latter were exonerated [by the French]
from an act in which they had been suspected of taking
part.
When these Frenchmen arrived at the bay they found
one hundred and fifty Outaouaks, sixty Sakis, and
twenty-five Pouteouatemis, who were going to hunt
beavers toward the frontiers of the Nadouaissioux; these
savages held a council, to ascertain the decision of the
leading Frenchmen regarding their voyage from Mi-
chilimakinak. The Miamis of Saint Joseph River had
informed the commandant of Michilimakinak of the
hostile acts which the Nadouaissioux had committed on
them, and demanded his protection. This commandant
sent out despatches prohibiting the French in all those
regions to go up to the Nadouaissioux country; and
ordering those who had come thence to ask the Miamis
to hang up the war-club until spring, as he was going to
avenge them, with all the French who should be at
Michilimakinak. The aspect of affairs had necessarily
changed since the Miamis had pillaged the Frenchmen;
tjhe Outaouaks therefore held a council, to learn the
final resolution of the latter. They set forth that they
found no one at Michilimakinak, and that, if these
Frenchmen did not choose to join them, they could pre-
vent the ruin of the Sauteurs through the agency of the
Outagamis; and the Frenchmen themselves were run-
ning a risk, in case they were not backed up, since the
Outagamis had been displeased at the intercourse which
the former had held with the Nadouaissioux in the past.
These arguments were sufficiently strong to induce the
greater number of the French to join the Outaouaks.
They set out on the march across the country, and a few
days later two Sakis were sent to notify the Outagamis
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 123
of it, and to ask them not to go to Ouiskonch until this
army had reached their village ; they were also requested
to inform the Miamis that Perrot was going to find
them, without positively telling the latter, however, that
he was coming to furnish them assistance in their war.
These two Sakis reported that the Outagamis and Kika-
bous, having heard of the plunder of the French by the
Miamis, were all dispersed through the country in
search of means for subsistence -having been unwilling,
since that news, to take up the cause of these tribes
against the Nadouaissioux; that they were grieved be-
cause Sieur Perrot had not gone to find them after that
pillage, since they would have sacrificed themselves in
order to secure the restitution of his goods; that they
were going to send for all their people, so as to receive
them on the shore of Ouiskonche, which they would not
cross until everybody should arrive there. They said
also that they had found the chief of the Miamis, with
two of those Frenchmen who were to accompany them
to the Nadouaissioux; this chief was urgently soliciting
the Outagamis to march with the Miamis as they had
promised, but the latter had replied that the Miamis
could continue their course if they would not wait for
the arrival of the French and the Outaouaks. The bad
roads and the lack of provisions obliged the Outaouaks
to remain [on the way] for some time; finally they
reached the nearest cabins of the Outagamis, among
whom they were well entertained. The chiefs of twenty-
five [Outagami] cabins, and fifteen of the Kikabou
cabins, becoming impatient because the Outaouaks did
not arrive, had gone a little too far ahead, in order to
gain Ouiskonch ; the Miamis who met them constrained
them to go to their camp, where they displayed little
consideration for the newcomers. The latter sent in
124 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
haste a Saki and a Frenchman to urge the Outaouaks to
hasten their arrival as soon as possible, saying that mean-
while they would try to divert the Miamis and prevent
them from beginning the march.
Two or three Frenchmen set out at once, and at night
reached the cabin of the Outagami chief, who imme-
diately had their arrival made public. The Miamis
promptly made their appearance there, and demanded,
"Where are the other warriors?" On both sides depu-
ties were sent to fix the place for the general rendezvous,
which was at the entrance of a little river. The Miamis,
who numbered five villages, desiring to break camp, sent
out some men from each group to kindle fires, which was
the signal of departure; they built five of these, abreast,
the Outagamis two, and the Kikabous one. When these
fires were kindled the call to break camp was uttered;
all the women folded up the baggage, and gathered at
the fires of their respective tribes, at which the men also
assembled. All the people being ready, the war-chiefs
(with their bags on their backs) began to march at the
head, singing, making their invocations, and gesticu-
lating; the warriors, who were on the wings, marched in
battle array, abreast, and forming many ranks ; the con-
voy for the women composed the main body, and a bat-
talion of warriors formed the rear-guard. This march
was made with order; some Frenchmen were detailed
to go to meet the Outaouaks. The latter, having
arrived in sight of the Miami camp, began to defile, and
fired a volley of musketry. The Outagamis refused to
return the salute to them ; on the contrary, they sent word
to the Miami camp to make no commotion, for fear of
frightening their brothers, the Outaouaks - because the
Outagamis feared lest the Miamis, already entertaining
evil thoughts, might lay violent hands on them, under
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 125
pretext of receiving them as friends. The Outaouaks
having made their camp, their chiefs entered the cabin
of the chief of the Outagamis, with two guns, twelve
kettles, and two collars made of round and long porce-
lain beads; but they sent to call the Miamis, without
making them any present. They asked from the Outa-
gamis permission to hunt on their lands, intending to
devote themselves only to the beavers and [other] quad-
rupeds, as they had come under the protection of the
French. The Outagamis divided their presents into
three lots; they gave the largest to the Miamis, the sec-
ond to the Kikabous, and reserved the smallest for them-
selves.
The Miamis did not show to the Outaouaks the
resentment which they felt at the affront which they had
just received. They assembled about three hundred
warriors to perform their war-dances, and in these they
chanted the funeral songs, in which they named the per-
sons who had been slain by the Nadouaissioux. They
should, according to the custom in war, make the round
of the camp while singing and dancing; it was their
design [while doing so] to kill at the same time all the
dogs belonging to the Outaouaks, in order to make a
war-feast with them. The Outagamis, fearing that they
would go to this extreme, came to meet them, so as to
prevent the Miamis from acting toward the Outaouaks
as they had done in regard to the Outagami dogs. The
Outaouaks had already placed themselves on the de-
fensive; however, everything went off without a dis-
turbance.
After this last people had ended their council, the
Miamis assembled at night with the Fox Outagamis;
they imagined that the French- [especially] two among
them -had come only to prevent the Outagamis from
126 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
uniting with them. A war-chief, desiring to irritate his
tribe against the Frenchmen, was urging his people to
burn them; the report of this ran through the camp.
An Outagami, hearing the discourse of this chief, went
out and told the Miamis that after having eaten the
Outagamis they would probably eat these two French-
men; he gave the alarm to the men of his tribe, who
placed themselves under arms. Another Miami, ad-
dressing his people, said that it was absolutely necessary
to burn them. All the night there was nothing but com-
motions on the part of the Miamis, who only longed for
the moment to attack the Outaouaks-whom they called
friends of the Sioux and the Iroquois who had eaten
them. The Outagamis did not pay much attention to
all these incivilities ; their only endeavor was to follow
the wishes of the Frenchmen. When the day had come,
the Miamis beat the salute, and defiled in battle array,
the Outagamis and the Kikabous remaining stock-still.
The decision which the French advised the Outagamis
to make was, to join their forces with the Miamis, say-
ing: "Go with them ; they mean to slay the Frenchmen
who are in the country of the Nadouaissioux, without
sparing the Sauteurs. Even though the latter may be
your enemies, spare their lives ; and prevent the Miamis
from attacking them or insulting the French. Go, then,
to assist them, rather than to wage war against the
Nadouaissioux. If they engage in fighting, remain in
the reserve force, and quit it only when the enemy shall
take to flight." The old men of the Miamis had re-
mained at the camp in order to know the final decision
of the Outagamis; they came into the council cabin,
where these Frenchmen were present. The eldest of
them offered his calumet to one of the latter, who
smoked it, and told the other that he had heard the
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 127
clamor of their speech-maker, who was inciting all the
Miamis to burn his body so as to put it into the kettle;
and had heard this man's brother, who said that it was
necessary to lay violent hands on the Outaouaks whom
the French had brought, although they had come to
avenge the dead of the Miamis. He said that, since he
found in them so little good sense and was aware of
their misconduct, the French would abandon their en-
terprise, and would join the four other Frenchmen who
had been furnished to accompany them into the Nadou-
aissioux country. "Eat," said this Frenchman to the old
man, "eat the French who are among the Nadouais-
sioux, but thou wilt no sooner take them in thy teeth than
we will make thee disgorge them." Then every one
arose ; and all the Outagamis and the Kikabous had their
bundles tied up by the women, so as to go to join the
Miamis in their camp -excepting the old men, and some
people who were not very alert.
The first news that came after their departure was,
that the Miamis had been defeated; that the Outagamis
and the Kikabous had lost no men ; and that the Outa-
gamis had saved the Sauteurs and the French. Four
of the Outagami youth arrived some days later, sent by
the chiefs to give information of all that had occurred
since the departure of the army. At the outset, they
were heard to utter eight death-cries, but without saying
whether they were Miamis or of some other tribe. A
kettle was promptly set over the fire for them, and even
before the meat was cooked they were set to eating.
After they had satisfied their hunger, one of them spoke
before the old men and some Frenchmen. He said :
"A chief of the Chikagons having died from sickness,
the Miamis made no present to his body; but our chiefs,
touched by this lack of feeling, brought some kettles to
128 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
cover it. The Miamis of Chikagon were so grateful for
this that they told our chiefs that they would unite with
them, to the prejudice of their allies -who paid them no
attention when they were dying, even though they had
come to avenge them. A Piouanguichias also died, a
little farther on; we went to bury him, and made him
presents; but the Miamis again did nothing. I tell you,
old men, that these two tribes would have turned the
war-clubs of the Miamis against us if we had undertaken
to do the same by them. When we arrived at one of the
arms of the Missisipi, eight Miamis who had gone out
as scouts brought to the camp two Frenchmen who were
coming from the Sauteur country; it was planned to
burn them, but our warriors opposed this, loudly de-
claring that we had set out to wage war on the Nadou-
aissioux. They kept one of the prisoners, and sent back
the other, with some Miamis, to the Sauteurs, who re-
ceived them well. This Frenchman remained there only
one day; on the next day ten Sauteurs and Outaouaks
accompanied him to come after the Miamis, to whom
they made a present of twelve kettles. Our people were
displeased that the Sauteurs were not divided between
them and us in the cabins, and that they had presented
to the Miamis seven kettles, while the Kikabous and we
received only five ; but what we considered extraordi-
nary was, that at night the Miamis came to find our
chiefs with the kettles of the Sauteurs, and other goods
which they had added to these, to invite us to eat these
ambassadors with them. It is true that our chief imme-
diately drew out a collar which a Frenchman had given
to him, without our knowledge, by which he asked our
chief not to attack his people who were among the
Nadouaissioux, or the Sauteurs, or any of the allies of
Onontio. This collar, I say, restrained us all. Then
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 129
they allowed the Sauteurs to go away; the latter pointed
out the village of the Nadouaissioux, who had built a
strong fort in order to take refuge in it in case of need.
A part of the Miamis resolved to carry them away from
it; but we also followed, so as to hold them back. The
Oiiaouyartanons and the Peouanguichias, remembering
the obligations which they were under to us for the care
which we had taken of their dead, broke their camp, in
order to thwart the designs of their allies. While they
were making up their bundles, a young Sauteur arrived
who had had some dispute with a Nadouaissioux; he
said that he came to join our party; but a Miami imme-
diately tomahawked him and cut off his scalp. This
proceeding obliged us to pack our baggage and follow
the Oiiaouyartanons and the Peouanguichias. The Mi-
amis, seeing that they were not strong enough to attack
the Nadouaissioux, broke camp as we had done, and
followed us. At evening they concluded that it was
necessary to go toward the Missisipi, where they would
find more game than upon the road which they had so
far taken. They sent forty of their warriors to the
French fort, and imagined that they could enter it as
they would one of our cabins. The dogs of the fort, dis-
covering them, barked at them. The French, seeing men
who were marching with hostile aspect, seized their
arms and told them to advance no farther; the Miamis
derided them, but the French fired over their heads and
made them retire. The Miamis who had broken camp
on the day after this detachment had set out took the
same route as the latter. When we saw that they were
going toward the French post we followed them, fear-
ing lest they would go to make trouble for the French ;
the Oiiaouyartanons and the Peouanguichias refused to
abandon us. We saw the arrival of the above-mentioned
130 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
[Miami] detachment, who as they came cried out that
the French had fired on them ; and by that we knew that
they had attempted to take the French fort by surprise.
This was enough to make our chiefs reproach the Mi-
amis for trying to ruin the land and redden it with the
blood of the French. The Ouaoiiyartanons stoutly sup-
ported us; we declared to them that we would go to
visit the French, and that we felt sure we would be well
received. At the same time our young chief set out with
forty warriors; on arriving at the fort, they called out
to the Frenchmen, and the chief had no sooner told his
name than three of those who had been plundered with
Metaminens recognized him. Immediately they made
our people enter, who had a hearty meal, and whom the
French loaded with Indian corn and meat- also warning
them to beware of the Miamis, who were planning
treachery toward them. After they had eaten they came
to join us at the camp, where they related the friendly
reception which the French had given them ; but when
the Miamis saw that their design had been unmasked
they acknowledged that they could no longer hope for
any success -that Metaminens was against them, and
that Heaven seconded him. They gave up, therefore,
their design of going to attack the French, but that did
not prevent them from going afterward to encamp in
the vicinity of the fort; the French defended its ap-
proaches from them by volleys of musketry, and even
defied them to come on to the attack, asking us to re-
main neutral. The chief of the Miamis, however, asked
them to [let him] enter the fort alone, which was
granted. He asked the French to inform the Nadou-
aissioux that the Miamis were going to hunt, in order to
make amends for the theft of merchandise which they
had committed on the French; and to accompany them
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 131
to the Nadouaissioux village, in order to obtain their
women and children whom the latter were holding as
slaves. What happened? the French were simple
enough to send this message, believing that this chief
had spoken in good faith. The Miamis encamped mean-
while at a place two leagues below the fort, and sent
three hundred warriors, with forty of our men, to go
among the Nadouaissioux. The French, who had done
their errands, heard on their return many gunshots;
they saw plainly that they had been deceived, and im-
mediately suspected that the Miamis were under the
guidance of a slave who had recently escaped. The
French hastened to find again the Nadouaissioux, who
were abandoning their fort for lack of provisions. When
they knew of the Miami expedition, they went back
into the fort, and on the morrow at daybreak they were
attacked ; a Nadouaissioux went out with the calumet, in
order to hold a parley, but a Miami shot him dead, and
his men brought him back to the fort. The Miamis
came against the fort to cut it away, with great in-
trepidity; but they were charged at so vigorously that
they were compelled to abandon the attack with much
loss of men. We all withdrew from the siege, and after
making a general retreat we separated, five days Later.
Our chiefs have sent us ahead, to give you the detailed
account of all that I have just related to you; they have
remained to set the young men at hunting, and will
arrive in a little while."
The conduct of the Outagamis on this occasion was
altogether discreet: for the Outaouaks who were in those
regions were not attacked by the Miamis (who were
seeking a quarrel with them) , the Sauteurs escaped fall-
ing into the hands of their enemies, the French profited
by the warning that was given them to be on their guard,
132 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
and the Nadouaissioux were not worsted [in the fight].
The tribe, certain that Monsieur de Frontenac would be
pleased at the services which they had just rendered
him, sent him several chiefs, to whom he gave a most
friendly reception. The Outaouaks, who were then at
Michilimakinak, kept them there a fortnight, in order
to entertain them. Everything seemed to turn to the ad-
vantage of the Colony, when an event occurred which
was of infinite benefit to it; this was a great quarrel be-
tween the Iroquois and the Outaouaks, which resulted
in overthrowing all the schemes of the former. After
I have given an account of a battle that was fought on
Lake Herier between these two peoples, I will also
finish describing the disturbances which occurred among
all those tribes.
Chapter XXVII
Among the Outaouaks of Michilimakinak, who al-
ways joined with the Hurons in favor of the Iroquois,
there were some chiefs who did not fail to support our
cause manfully. One day, loud reproaches passed be-
tween the Hurons and our partisans, who told the former
that Le Baron was, with impunity, deceiving Onontio
with the protestations of friendship and alliance that he
was again making to the governor, even while he was
employing all sorts of stratagems to injure our allies;
and that it was very well known that the Hurons in-
tended to go with the Iroquois to Saint Joseph River to
destroy the Miamis. On both sides there were long ex-
planations. The Hurons acknowledged their design;
but, as they felt piqued, they told the Outaouaks that if
they would accompany them they would together attack
the Iroquois, for whom they cared very little to show
any consideration. They also said that, in order that the
Outaouaks might not think that they intended to sacri-
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 133
fice them, they would give up their women and children
to them, and the Outaoiiaks should be masters of these
in case there were any treachery; they departed, accord-
ingly, in equal numbers. In the middle of Lake Herier
they found three canoes of Sakis, who were seeking
refuge from a defeat which they had suffered from the
Iroquois-who had slain their chief, with two of his
brothers and one of his cousins, while the Iroquois had
lost on their side eight men. The Sakis joined the Hu-
rons and Outaoiiaks; they fired several gunshots, in
order to notify the Iroquois [of their coming] ; and, hav-
ing descried a great cloud of smoke, they sent four men
to reconnoiter, who marched through the woods. When
they were on the shore, nearly where they could catch a
glimpse of any one, they saw four men who were walk-
ing on the edge of the lake; they went back into the
woods, from which they fired a volley at these Iroquois,
and then immediately gained their own canoes. The
Iroquois, who were at work making canoes of elm-bark
(of which they had at the time only five made), num-
bered three hundred; they rushed into these, to attack
the Outaouaks, with such headlong haste that they broke
asunder two of the canoes, and then went in pursuit with
the three others; the first contained thirty men, the sec-
ond twenty-five, and the third sixteen. The Hurons,
the Sakis, and the Outaouaks, who had a like.number of
men, saw that they were on the point of being captured,
but rallied, and resolved to endure the first fire of their
enemies. The war-chief of the Outaouaks and a Huron
were killed at the outset, but the others steadily ad-
vanced until they were close up to the Iroquois; then
they fired their volley at the canoe of thirty men, of
whom so many were killed that the dead bodies caused
it to capsize, so that all the thirty perished -some by
drowning, some by the war-club, some by arrows. The
134 LA POTHERIE [Vol.
canoe of twenty[-five] met the same fate, but five of
the braves were made prisoners. The great chief of the
Tsonnontouans was mortally wounded in this encounter ;
they tomahawked him, and carried away his scalp. At
last these prisoners arrived at Michilimakinak, and they
appeared deeply hurt because their people had been
duped by the Hurons, whom they were regarding as
their best friends; see in what manner they complained
of it:
"The Hurons have killed us. Last autumn they in-
vited us by collars to be on hand near the Saint Joseph
River, where they were to assemble. They had prom-
ised to give us the village of the Miamis there to eat;
and after this expedition they were to take us to Michili-
makinak to deliver to us the Outaouaks, and even their
own people who might be there. For this purpose our
chiefs raised the war-party that you have seen ; but the
Hurons have betrayed us. Believe us, we are among
your friends. We know well that it is the Pouteouate-
mis who have drawn you in with them to attack us, when
you have defeated us, ten cabins in all. We do not blame
you, but them; and we have never plotted against you."
This defeat of the Iroquois confirmed the Hurons and
all our allies on our side. [End of volume II.]
[Volume iv36 contains four letters, which are occu-
36 La Potherie, before publishing his Histoire, desired for it the approval
of Jacques Raudot, intendant of New France during 1705-1711; the latter re-
quested one Father Bobe — a secular priest, who was greatly interested in the
Canadian colony, and wrote various memoirs regarding its affairs — to read
the manuscript and give him an opinion as to its quality and merit. At the
end of vol. iv of the Histoire appears a letter from Bobe to Raudot, making
the desired report on the book, which this priest warmly commends. The fol-
lowing passages in the letter are of special interest, as indicating La Potherie's
methods, and his sources of information:
"Having read it very attentively, I have been surprised that it has so well
fulfilled a project which, as it seemed to me, was very difficult to carry out
successfully. He certainly must have taken much pains to inform himself of
all that was necessary to disentangle the numerous intrigues of so many savage
two] SAVAGE ALLIES OF NEW FRANCE 135
pied with the relations existing between the French and
Iroquois-and, more or less, those of the western tribes
peoples, in relation to both their own interests and those of the French. He
has assured me that after he had personally obtained a knowledge of the
government of Canada in detail — of which he has written a history, which he
has had the honor of dedicating to his royal Highness Monseigneur the Due
d'Orleans — he had intended to penetrate [the wilderness] to a distance six
hundred leagues beyond; but as his health and his occupations had not per-
mitted him to go through that vast extent of territory, he had contented himself
with forming friendships with most of the prominent chiefs of the peoples
allied with New France who came down to Montreal every year to conduct
their trade in peltries. At the outset, he had made a plan of the present
history; he has therefore had no trouble, in all the conversations that he has
held with them, in gaining a knowledge of their manners, their laws, their
customs, their maxims, and of all the events of special importance which have
occurred among them.
"Sieur Joliet has contributed not a little to this end ; for during the lessons
in geometry which he gave to the author he informed him of all that he had
seen and known among those peoples. The Jesuit fathers, who were excel-
lent friends of his, have been very helpful to him. Sieur Perrot, who is the
principal actor in all that has occurred among those peoples during more than
forty years, has given the author the fullest information, and with the utmost
exactness, regarding all that he narrates. Monsieur de la Potherie, to whom
I expressed my surprise that he had been able to obtain so clear a knowledge
of so great a number of facts, and reduce to order so many matters that were
so entangled, avowed to me that all these persons had been of the utmost
assistance to him. He said that he questioned them in order [of events], in
accordance with his plan [for the book], and that he immediately set down in
writing what the savages had told him, and then he read to them these notes
in order to make proper corrections therein; and that it was by these careful
means that he escaped from the labyrinth.
"I assure you, Monsieur, that I have read this manuscript with pleasure;
and that I have learned from it things which I had not found in Lahontan, in
Father Hennepin, or in all the others who have written about New France.
I believe that every one will read it with the same satisfaction. . . In it
we shall see the attachment of all those peoples for the French nation; and
we shall admire the prudence and adroitness of the French in managing the
minds of those savages, and retaining them in alliance with us despite all the
intrigues of the English, and of their emissaries the Iroquois — who exerted
every effort to render them our enemies — or in persuading them to wage war
against those nations, and by that means to secure them in their own interests.
We shall be surprised at the boldness and intrepidity of the French who lived
among those barbarians, who were continually threatening to burn them at the
stake or to murder them. We shall recognize that those peoples whom we
treat as savages are very brave, capable leaders, good soldiers, very discreet
and subtle politicians, shrewd, given to dissimulation, understanding perfectly
their own interests, and knowing well how to carry out their purposes. In
136 LA POTHERIE
with both peoples -during the years 1695-1701. The
record is mainly one of hostilities with the Iroquois
(who are, as usual, fierce and treacherous), varied by
negotiations for peace, which is finally concluded in the
summer of 1701. Much space is given to detailed re-
ports of the various conferences held by Frontenac and
his successor Callieres with the deputations of Indians
who come to Quebec to settle their affairs with the gov-
ernor; and the speeches on both sides are given in ex-
tenso. At one of these (in 1695) a Sioux chief named
Tioskatin participated; he was the first of his tribe to
visit Canada, conducted thither by Pierre C. La Sueur,
who afterward made explorations on the Upper Mis-
sissippi. At the great conference of all the tribes held
at Montreal, beginning July 25, 1701, the most noted of
their chiefs were present and made speeches -including
the Ottawa Outoutaga (also known as Le Talon, and as
Jean le Blanc) ; Chingouessi, another Ottawa; the Hu-
ron Le Rat; Ounanguice, a Potawatomi, who spoke for
all the Wisconsin tribes; Quarante-Sols, a Huron;
Chichikatalo, a Miami; Noro (or "the Porcupine"), of
the Outagamis; Ouabangue, head of the Chippewas of
the Sault; Tekaneot, Tahartakout, and Aouenano, from
the various Iroquois tribes. A general peace was con-
cluded, after long discussion and much giving of pres-
ents, on August 7 -an event which crowned the long
efforts of Frontenac to end the Iroquois Wars, which had
so long wasted the resources and population of the
French settlements, paralyzed their industries, and in-
terrupted the trade with the Indians on which almost
their life depended. This peace was negotiated by Cal-
lieres, Frontenac having died on Nov. 28, 1698. -ED.]
short, the French and the English have need of all their cleverness and intel-
lect to deal with the savages."
MEMOIRS RELATING TO THE
SAUK AND FOXES
Letter to Reverend Dr. Jedidiah Morse,
by Major Morrell Marston, U.S.A.,
commanding at Fort Armstrong, 111.;
November, 1820.
From original manuscript in the library of the
Wisconsin Historical Society.
"Account of the Manners and Customs of
the Sauk and Fox nations of Indians
Traditions." A report on this subject,
sent to General William Clark, Super-
intendent of Indian Affairs, by Thomas
Forsyth, Indian agent for the U.S. Gov-
ernment; St. Louis, January 15, 1827.
From the original and hitherto unpublished
manuscript in the library of the Wisconsin His-
torical Society.
Letter of Major Marston to Reverend Doctor
Morse
Fort Armstrong, November, 1820.
SIR: Your letter dated "Mackinaw, June 20, 1820,"
requesting me to give you the names of the Indian tribes
around me within as large a circle as my information
can be extended with convenience and accuracy -the
extent of the territories they respectively occupy, with
the nature of their soil and climate -their mode of life,
customs, laws and political institutions -the talents and
character of their chiefs and other principal and influ-
ential men, and their disposition in respect to the intro-
duction and promotion among them, of education and
civilisation; what improvements in the present system
of Indian trade could in my opinion be made, which
would render this commercial intercourse with them
more conducive to the promotion of peace between them
and us, and contribute more efficiently to the improve-
ment of their moral condition ; together with a number
of particular questions to be put to the Indians for their
answers or to be otherwise answered according to cir-
cumstances, came to hand in due time and would have
been answered immediately, had it been in my power to
have done so as fully as I wished. 8T
37 Early in 1820 Rev. Jedidiah Morse, D.D., held commissions from the
Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge, and from the
Northern Missionary Society of New York, to visit the Indian tribes of the
United States and ascertain their condition, and devise measures for their
benefit and advancement. He suggested to the United States government the
desirability of its cooperation in this undertaking, and was authorized to carry
it out as an accredited agent of the government, which paid his expenses and
i4o MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
Soon after the receipt of your communication, I in-
vited four of the principal chiefs of the Sauk and Fox
nations to my quarters, with a view of gaining all the
information wished or expected from them, three of
whom accordingly attended, when I made known to
them that you as an agent of the President had requested
certain information relating to their two nations, which
1 hoped they would freely communicate to the best of
their knowledge and belief, as their great father the
President was anxious to be made acquainted with their
situation in order to be enabled to relieve their wants
and give them such advice from time to time as they
might need. They replied, that they were willing and
ready to communicate all the information in their power
to give relative to their two nations; but I soon found
that when the questions were put to them they became
suspicious and unwilling to answer to them, and that
directed him to make a report of his work in this field ; this appears from the
letter written to him by the then secretary of war, J. C. Calhoun, dated Feb. 7,
1820. He left New Haven on May 10 following, and returned home on
August 30, this period having been devoted to visiting the Indian tribes as
far west as Detroit, Mackinaw, and Green Bay. His report to the war de-
partment, dated November, 1821, was published at New Haven in 1822, under
the title "A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States, on Indian
Affairs, comprising a narrative of a tour performed in the summer of 1820,
under a commission from the President of the United States, for the purpose of
ascertaining, for the use of the Government, the actual state of the Indian
Tribes in our country." The greater part of this book is in the form of appen-
dices, in which Dr. Morse incorporated a vast mass of information regarding
the Indian tribes at that time, including reports, interviews, etc., from Indian
agents, missionaries, army officers, traders, Indian chiefs, and others. He also
gives statistical tables of the tribes and their population, residence, etc.; the
annuities paid to them by the government; the lands purchased from them;
and schools established among them. At the end of the report proper, Dr.
Morse presents his views as to the policy which the government should adopt
in dealing with the Indians, with plans for civilizing and educating them,
and for the conduct of the Indian trade. The report by Major Marston
(which the present editor has reproduced from that officer's original manu-
script) was printed in Dr. Morse's report (pages 120-140), with some slight
editorial changes intended to give it better form for publication — mainly in
spelling, the correct form of sentences, etc. - ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 141
many of their answers were evasive and foreign to the
questions.38 Such information, however, I was able to
obtain, by putting your questions to them follows :
Question to Mas-co, a Sauk chief- What is the name
of your nation? Answer- Since we can remember we
have never had any other name than Saukie or Saukie-
uck.39
Question to Mas-co-What its original name? An-
swer-Since the Great Spirit made us we have had that
name and no other.
Question to Mas-co-What the names by which it has
been known among Europeans? Answer -The French
called us by that name ; they were the first white people
38 Gov. Ninian Edwards of Illinois wrote to Thomas Forsyth (from Kas-
kaskia, Jan. 28, 1813): "The truth is that all the different tribes of Indians
view our increase of population and approximation to their villages and hunt-
ing grounds with a jealous eye, are predisposed to hostility and are restrained
only by fear from committing aggressions. I make no calculations upon their
friendship, nor upon anything else but the terror with which our measures may
inspire them and therefore I am now and long have been opposed to temporiz-
ing with them. I am very glad you contradicted the report of my having
sent a Pipe, etc., to the Pottowattomies, for nothing can be more false than
that report. There is in my opinion only one of two courses that ought to be
pursued with the Sacs. If there be just grounds to believe that a part of them
are friendly they should be brought into the interior of the country, furnished
with provisions, and some ground to make their sweet corn, etc., which they
would want when they should retire to their own country. This proposition
wd test their sincerity — if they accepted it, it would be advantageous to us
by withdrawing so much force from the hostile confederacy whilst we are
waging war against it — if they refused I wd consider them all as enemies and
treat them accordingly, making the whole tribe responsible for the conduct of all
its members. No other plan of separating the hostile from the friendly part
or discriminating between them can succeed. . . The Kickapoos are among
the Sacs — and most certainly if they wish to harbor our enemies they can not
be considered nor ought they to be treated as our friends — under the circum-
stances the only line I shall prescribe to them will be to keep out of the way of
my rangers. I should however be glad to send them a talk first requiring
them to drive the Kickapoos from among them — and I wish to procure some
person to go on this business." (Forsyth Papers, vol. i, doc. 13.) — ED.
39 Saukie is the singular and Saukieuck the plural: the plural number of
most names in the Sauk and Fox language is formed by the addition of the
syllable uck. — MARSTON.
H2 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON
we had ever seen; since, the white people call us Sauks.
Question to Wah-bal-lo40 the principal chief of the
Fox nation -What is the name of your nation? ^f/i-
jie^r-Mus-quak-kie or Mus-quak-kie-uck.
Question to Wah-bal-lo -What its original name?
Answer- Since the Great Spirit made us we have had
that name and no other.
Question to Wah-bal-lo -What the names by which
it has been known among Europeans? Answer -The
French called us Renards, and since, the white people
have called us Foxes.
Question- Are any portion of your tribes scattered in
other parts? Answer- Yes.
Question- Where? Answer -There are some of our
people on the Mifsouri, some near Fort Edwards41 and
some among the Pottawattanies.
Question-To what nations are you related by lan-
guage? Answer -The Sauk, Fox and Kickapoo nations
are related by language.
Question- Manners and customs? Answer -The
Sauk, Fox and Kickapoo's manners and customs are
alike except those who have had intercourse with the
whites.
One of the chiefs added that the Shawnees descended
from the Sauk nation: that at a bears-feast a chief took
the feet of the animal for his portion who was not en-
titled to them (which were esteemed the greatest luxury)
and that a quarrel ensued, in consequence of which he
40 Waa-pa-laa, Wah-bal-lo, Wapello, Waupella, are all variants of the
same name, which means "He who is painted white." This chief was a signer
of four treaties (1822 to 1836) ; he took no part in the Black Hawk War, but
seems to have been a prisoner with Black Hawk in 1832. See Wis. Hist. Colls.,
vol. v, 305, and vol. x, 154, 217. — ED.
41 Fort Edwards was on the east side of the Mississippi (a little above the
mouth of Des Moines River), fifty miles above Quincy, 111. In 1822 Marston
was in command of this fort. See Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. vi, 190, 273-279. — ED.
WAA-PA-LAA (Fox)
MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 145
and his band withdrew and have ever since been called
the Shawnee nation.
They acknowledge that the Sauks, Foxes, Kickapoos
and lowas are in close alliance, but observed that the
reason for being in alliance with the lowas was, because
they were a bad people, and therefore it was better to
have their friendship than enmity.
Question -With what tribes can you converse, and
what is the common language in which you converse
with them? Answer- There are only three nations with
which we can [talk,] the Sauk, Fox and Kickapoo na-
tions, by being with [any] other nation we might learn
their language, but if we [don't] see them how can we
speak to them or they to us? Is [it] not the same with
you white people?
Question -What tribe do you call Grandfather?
Answer-The Delawares call us and all other Indians
Grandchildren, and we in return call them Grandfather ;
but we know of no relationship subsisting between them
and us.
Question -What tribes are Grandchildren? An-
swer-There are no tribes or other nations we call grand-
children.
Question- Where is the great council fire for all the
tribes connected with your own tribes? Answer -We
have no particular place, when we have any businefs to
transact it is done at some one of our villages.
Question-Do you believe that the soul lives after the
body is dead? Answer -How should we know, none of
our people who have died, have ever returned to inform
us.
No other questions were put to the chiefs as they ap-
peared to be determined to give no further information.
In conversation with one of them afterwards upon the
j46 iMAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
subject, they give as a reason for declining to answer the
remainder of the questions, that Govr Clark42 had not
treated them with that attention they were entitled to
when last at Sl Louis. This plea however, was prob-
ably without foundation. It is the character of these
people to conceal as much as possible their history, re-
ligion and customs from the whites, it is only when they
are off their guard that any thing upon these subjects
can be obtained from them.
I have since been informed by some of the old men
of the two nations that the Sauk and Fox nations emi-
grated from a great distance below Detroit and estab-
lished themselves at a place called Saganaw43 in
Michigan Territory, that they have since built villages
and lived on the Fox River of the Illenois, at Mil-wah-
kee44 near Lake Michigan, on the Fox River of Green
Bay and on the Ouesconsen : that about fifty years since
they removed to this vicinity, where they lived for some
time, and then went down to the Iowa River and built
large villages; that the principal part of both nations
42 Referring to Gen. William Clark, companion of Meriwether Lewis in
their famous exploring expedition to the Pacific coast in 1803-1806. He was
born on Aug. i, 1770, near Charlottesville, Va. ; and in 1784 his family removed
to the vicinity of Louisville, Ky. From his nineteenth year until 1796, Clark
was in the United States military service, and became a brave and able officer.
During the period from July, 1803, to September, 1806, Clark was engaged in
the famous expedition to the Pacific coast under direction of Meriwether Lewis
and himself. Soon after his return (March, 1807) Clark was made superin-
tendent of Indian affairs and brigadier-general of militia. From 1813 to 1820
he was governor of Missouri, and during the next two years was again
superintendent of Indian affairs. In 1822 he was appointed surveyor-general
for Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas Territory. Clark died at St. Louis,
Sept. i, 1838, aged sixty-nine. He was twice married, and left six children.
See detailed account of his life in Thwaites's Original Journals of the Lewis
and Clark Expedition (N.Y., 1904), vol. i, pp. xxvii-xxxiii, liv. — ED.
43 Saganaw is probably derived from Sau-kie-nock (Saukie-town).
- MARSTON.
44 Milwahkee is said to be derived from Man-na-*wah-kee (good land).
- MARSTON.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 147
remained on this river until about sixteen years ago,
when they returned to their present situation. This is
all the information I have been able to collect from
themselves relating to the rise and progress of their two
nations. At present their villages are situated on a point
of land formed by the junction of the Rock and Mif-
sifsippi Rivers, which they call Sen-i-se-po Ke~be-sau-
kee (Rock River Peninsula) this land as well as all they
ever claimed on the east side of the Mifsifsippi was sold
by them to our government in 1805. The agents of
government have been very desirious for some time to
effect their removal, but they appear unwilling to leave
it.
I recently spoke of one of the principal Fox chiefs
upon this subject and he replied that their people were
not willing to leave Ke-be-sau-kee in consequence of a
great number of their chiefs and friends being buryed
there, but that he wished them to remove, as they would
do much better to be farther from the Mifsifsippi where
they would have lefs intercourse with the whites. They
claim a large tract of country on the west of the Mif-
sifsippi: it commences at the mouth of the upper Iowa
River, which is above Prairie du Chien and follows the
Mifsifsippi down as far as Des Moine River and ex-
tending back towards the Mifsouri as far as the divid-
ing ridge, and some of them say quite to that River -a
large proportion of this tract is said to be high prairie;
that part of it which lies in the vicinity of the Iowa and
Des Moine Rivers is said to be valuable; their hunting
grounds are on the head waters of these rivers, and are
considered the best in any part of the Mifsifsippi coun-
try. I have not been able to ascertain the extent of Ter-
ritory claimed by any other nations.
The Sauk village is situated on the bank of the Rock
i48 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
River and about two miles from its mouth, and contains
[blank in Ms.] lodges, the principal Fox village is on
the bank of the Mifsifsippi opposite Fort Armstrong, it
contains thirty five permanent lodges. There is also a
small Sauk village of five or six lodges on the left bank
of the Mifsifsippi near the mouth of des Moine and be-
low Fort Edwards, and a Fox village near the lead
mines (about hundred miles .above this place) of about
twenty lodges, and another near the mouth of the Wapsi-
pinica [River] 45 of about ten lodges. The Sauk and
Fox nations according to their own account, which I
believe to be nearly correct, can muster eight hundred
warriors, and including their old men, women and chil-
dren, I think they do not fall short of five thousand souls ;
of this number about two fifths are Foxes, but they are
so much mixed by intermarries and living at each others
villages, it would be difficult to ascertain the proportion
of each with any great precision. These two nations
have the reputation of being better hunters than any
other that are to be found inhabiting the borders of
either the Mifsouri or Mifsifsippi.
They leave their villages as soon as their corn, beans,
etc., is ripe and taken care of, and their traders arrive
and give out their credits (or their outfits on credit-
Morse) and go to their wintering grounds; it being
previously determined on in council what particular
ground each party shall hunt on. The old men, women,
45 Wap-si-pin-i-ca. So called from a root of that name which is found in
great plenty on its shores and which they use as a substitute for bread.
- MARSTON.
Wapsipinica (the same as wdpisipinik, plural of zudpisipin, meaning "swan-
root") is the tuber of the arrowhead (Sagittaria variabilis). The tubers are
generally as large as hens' eggs, and are greatly relished when raw ; but they
have a bitter milky juice, not agreeable to the palates of civilized men. This,
however, is destroyed by boiling, and the roots are thus rendered sweet and
palatable. They afford nourishment to the swans and other aquatic birds that
congregate in great numbers about the lakes of the northwest. — WM. R. GERARD.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 149
and children embark in canoes, the young men go by
land with their horses ; on their arrival they immediately
commence their winter's hunt, which last about three
months. Their traders follow them and establish them-
selves at convenient places in order to collect their dues
and supply them with such goods as they need. In a
favorable season most of these Indians are able not only
to pay their traders, and will supply themselves and fam-
ilies with blankets, 46 strouding, amunition, etc., during
46 "In the popular mind the North American Indian is everywhere asso-
ciated with the robe or the blanket. The former was the whole hide of a
large mammal made soft and pliable by much dressing; or pelts of foxes,
wolves, and such creatures were sewed together; or bird, rabbit, or other
tender skins were cut into ribbons, which were twisted or woven. The latter
were manufactured by basketry processes from wool, hair, fur, feathers, down,
bark, cotton, etc., and had many and various functions. They were worn like
a toga as protection from the weather, and, in the best examples, were con-
spicuous in wedding and other ceremonies; in the night they were both bed
and covering; for the home they served for hangings, partitions, doors, awn-
ings, or sunshades; the women dried fruit on them, made vehicles and cradles
of them for their babies, and receptacles for a thousand things and burdens;
they even then exhausted their patience and skill on them, producing their
finest art work in weaving and embroidery; finally, the blanket became a
standard of value and a primitive mechanism of commerce. . . After the
advent of the whites the blanket leaped into sudden prominence with tribes
that had no weaving and had previously worn robes, the preparation of which
was most exhausting. The European was not slow in observing a widespread
want and in supplying the demand. When furs became scarcer blankets were
in greater demand everywhere as articles of trade and standards of value.
Indeed, in 1831 a home plant was established in Buffalo for the manufacture
of what was called the Mackinaw blanket. . . In our system of educating
them, those tribes that were unwilling to adopt modern dress were called
'blanket Indians.' " The manufacture of blankets still continues among some
of the southwestern tribes, and many of their products are highly valued by
white people. — OTis T. MASON and WALTER HOUGH, in Handbook Amer.
Indians.
R. R. Elliott says (U.S. Cath. Hist. Mag., vol. iv, 312) : "Blankets marked
with 'points' were formerly manufactured in Europe especially for the north-
western American trade, and during the present century were distinguished
commercially as 'Mackinac blankets.' They were made of good, honest wool,
half-inch thick, with two black stripes at each end. The size was marked by
a black line four inches long and about half an inch wide, woven in a corner
of the blanket." Strouding is defined by the Standard Dictionary as "a coarse,
warm cloth or blanketing, formerly used in the Indian trade." A blanket made
150 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
the winter, but to leave considerable of the proceeds of
their hunt on hand; the surplus which generally consists
of the most valuable peltries, such as beaver, otter, etc.,
they take home with them to their Villages, and dispose
of for such articles as they may find necessary. In the
winter of 1819-1820 these two nations had five traders.
This number of traders employed nine clerks and inter-
preters, with annual salaries of from two hundred to
twelve hundred dollars each (the average about four
hundred dollars), and forty-three labourers whose pay
was from one hundred to two hundred dollars each pr
annum. These traders including the peltries received
at the United States factory47 near Fort Edwards, col-
of this goods was called a "stroud." The name is said to be derived from a
place in Gloucestershire, Eng., named Stroud. - ED.
47 During the eighteenth century "trade was mostly by barter or in the
currency of the colonies or the government. The employment of liquor to
stimulate trade began with the earliest venture and was more and more used as
trade increased. The earnest protests of Indian chiefs and leaders and of philan-
thropic persons of the white race were of no avail, and not until the United
States government prohibited the sale of intoxicants was there any stay to the
demoralizing custom. Smuggling of alcohol was resorted to, for the companies
declared that 'without liquor we cannot compete in trade.' To protect the
Indians from the evil effects of intoxicants and to insure them a fair return
for their pelts, at the suggestion of President Washington the act of April 18,
1796, authorized the establishment of trading houses under the immediate
direction of the president. In 1806 the office of Superintendent of Indian Trade
was created, with headquarters at Georgetown, D.C." In 1810 there were
fourteen of these trading establishments, among them the following: At Ft.
Wayne, on the Miami of the Lakes, Indiana T. ; at Detroit, Michigan T. ; at
Belle Fontaine, mouth of the Missouri, Louisiana T.; at Chicago, on L. Mich-
igan, Indiana T.; at Sandusky, L. Erie, Ohio; at the island of Michilimacki-
nac, L. Huron, Michigan T. ; at Ft. Osage, on the Missouri, Louisiana T. ; at
Ft. Madison, on the upper Mississippi, Louisiana T. "At that time there
were few factories in the country where goods required for the Indian trade
could be made, and, as the government houses were restricted to articles of
domestic manufacture, their trade was at a disadvantage, notwithstanding
their goods were offered at about cost price, for the Indian preferred the
better quality of English cloth and the surreptitiously supplied liquor. Finally
the opposition of private traders secured the passage of the act of May 6, 1822,
abolishing the government trading houses, and thus 'a system fraught with
possibilities of great good to the Indian' came to an end. The official records
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 151
lected of the Sauk and Fox Indians during this season
nine hundred and eighty packs.
They consisted of 2760 beaver skins; 922 Otter;
13,440 Raccoon; 12,900 Musk Rat skins; 500 Mink;
200 Wildcat; 680 Bear skins; 28,680 Deer; whole num-
ber-60,082. The estimated value of which is fifty eight
thousand and eight hundred dollars.
The quantity of tallow presumed to be collected from
the Deer is 286,800 pounds. The traders also collected
during the same time from these savages at least: 3,000
Ibs. of feathers; 1,000 Ibs. of bees wax.
They return to their villages in the month of April
and after putting their lodges in order, commence pre-
paring the ground to receive the seed. The number of
acres cultivated by that part of the two nations who re-
side at their villages in this vicinity is supposed to be
upwards of three hundred. They usually raise from
seven to eight thousand bushels of corn, besides beans,
pumpkins, melons, etc. About one thousand bushels of
the corn they annually sell to traders and others. The
remainder (except about five bushels for each family,
which is taken along with them) they put into bags, and
bury in holes dug in the ground for their use in the
Spring and Summer.
The labor of agriculture is confined principally to
the women, and this is done altogether with the hoe. 48
show that until near the close of its career, in spite of the obstacles it had to
contend with and the losses growing out of the War of 1812, the government
trade was self-sustaining." — ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
See Draper's "Fur Trade and Factory System at Green Bay, 1816-21,"
with sketch of the factory there, Matthew Irwin, in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. vii,
269-288; F. J. Turner's "Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in
Wisconsin," in Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. ix (1891), 543-615 ; H. M.
Chittenden's American Fur Trade of the Far West (N.Y., 1902) ; C. Larpen-
teur's Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri, 1833-1872 (N.Y., 1898). — ED.
48 There has been a widely prevalent popular notion that before and after
the coming of Europeans to America nearly all the Indians north of Mexico
152 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
In June the greatest part of the young men go out on
a summer hunt, and return in August. While they are
absent the old men and women are collecting rushes for
mats, and bark to make into bags for their corn, etc.
The women usually make about three hundred floor
were virtually nomads, and hence practiced agriculture to a very limited
extent. But this is certainly a misconception regarding most of the tribes in
the temperate regions; for the earlier writers "almost without exception notice
the fact that the Indians were generally found, from the border of the western
plains to the Atlantic, dwelling in settled villages and cultivating the soil."
Moreover, the early white colonists in all the European settlements "de-
pended at first very largely for subsistence on the products of Indian culti-
vation." Of these, Indian corn was the chief and universal staple, and
according to Brinton (Myths of the New World^ 22) "was found in cultiva-
tion from the southern extremity of Chile to the soth parallel of north lati-
tude." The amount of corn destroyed by Denonville in his expedition of 1687
against the Iroquois was estimated at 1,000,000 bushels. "If we are indebted
to Indians for the maize, without which the peopling of America would prob-
ably have been delayed for a century, it is also from them that the whites
learned the methods of planting, storing, and using it. . . Beans, squashes,
pumpkins, sweet potatoes, tobacco, gourds, and the sunflower were also culti-
vated to some extent, especially in what are now the Southern States," and
Coronado even found the Indians of New Mexico cultivating cotton. Among
those southwestern tribes irrigation was practiced by the natives before white
men came to America; and some of the eastern tribes used fertilizers on their
land. Primitive tools for cultivating the soil were made of stone or wood, and
sometimes sharp shells or flat bones were fastened into wooden handles for
this purpose. "It was a general custom to burn over the ground before plant-
ing, in order to free it from weeds and rubbish. In the forest region patches
were cleared by girdling the trees, thus causing them to die, and afterward
burning them down." As a rule, the field work was done by the women;
later, as the tribes became more or less civilized, this work was shared by the
men. "Though the Indians as a rule have been somewhat slow in adopting
the plants and methods introduced by the whites, this has not been wholly
because of their dislike of labor, but in some cases has been due largely to
their removals by the government and to the unproductiveness of the soil of
many of the reservations assigned them. Where tribes or portions of tribes,
as parts of the Cherokee and Iroquois, were allowed to remain in their original
territory, they were not slow in bringing into use the introduced plants and
farming methods of the whites, the fruit trees, live stock, plows, etc."
- CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
See B. H. Hibbard's "Indian Agriculture in Southern Wisconsin," in Pro-
ceedings of Wisconsin Historical Society, 1904, pp. 145-155; and C. E. Brown's
"Wisconsin Garden Beds," in Wis. Archeologist, vol. viii, no. 3, 97-105. Sec
references to Wis. Hist. Colls, in note 254 to this book, for mention of lead
mining by Indians. — ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 153
mats every summer; these mats are as handsome and as
durable as those made abroad. The twine which con-
nects the rushes together is made either of bafswood bark
after being boiled and hammered, or the bark of the
nettle ; the women twist or spin it by rolling it on the leg
with the hand. Those of the able bodied men who do
not go out to hunt are employed in digging and smelting
lead at the mines on the Mifsifsippi : in this businefs a
part of the women are also employed, from four to five
hundred thousand weight of this mineral is dug by them
during a season : the lofs in smelting of which is about
25 pr cent; most of it however is disposed of by them in
the state that it is dug out of the mine, at about two dol-
lars pr hundred.
I now proceed to give such further information as a
year's residence in the vicinity of the Sauk, Fox, and a
part of the Kickapoo nations (about two hundred souls
of which built a village last season near the mouth of
Rock River) and considerable intercourse with several
other nations has enabled me to collect.
In the first place it is no more than justice for me to
acknowledge that I am greatly indebted for much of the
information contained in this letter to Thomas Forsyth
Esqr Indian Agent, Mr. George Davenport, and Dr.
Muir49 Indian traders; from the first mentioned gentle-
man I am principally indebted for an account of the
49 Dr. Muir was a physician, a Scotchman, educated at Edinburgh; he
came to this country, and in 1814-1815 was connected with the U.S. army. At
this time some Indians conspired to kill him, but his life was saved by a
young Sauk girl. In gratitude for this he took her as his wife, and settled in
Galena, where he had several children by her. Afterward, he was one of the
first settlers of Keokuk, la., where he engaged in the Indian trade. After his
death, his family joined the Indians. — L. C. DRAPER, in Wis. Hist. Colls.,
vol. ii, 224.
The Blondeau here mentioned was evidently Maurice, son of Nicholas
Blondeau and a Fox woman ; they resided at Portage des Sioux. Maurice was
born about 1780, and died probably near 1830; he married a Sauk half-breed
woman and had two children. — ED.
154 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
manners and customs of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and
Pottawattamie nations, which are similar, if not the
same as those of the Sauks, Foxes, and Kickapoos. In
addition to the information furnished by these gentle-
men, I have long been in expectation of receiving from
Mr. Blondeau late a Sub. I. Agent and a man of intel-
ligence in the religion, manners, and customs of the Sauk
and Fox nations ; he was born with the Sauks, his mother
being a woman of that nation, and is probably more
competent to give a correct account of them than any
other man ; this however, I have been disappointed as
yet in receiving; the expectation of receiving this docu-
ment has been the principal cause of delay in answering
your communication.
Among your queries are the following. -What are
your terms for father, mother, Heaven, Earth; the pro-
nouns If thou, he? In what manner do you form the
genitive case and plural number? How do you distin-
guish present, past and future time?
In the Sauk tongue: No-sah, is my father; Co-sah,
your father ; Oz-son, his father ; Na-ke-ah, is my mother ;
Ke-ke-ah, your mother; O-chan-en-e, his mother;
Heaven is che-pah-nock; Earth, Ar-kee\ I is Neen;
thou, keen] you (in the plural), Keen-a-wa' he, Ween;
us, Ne-non; they, We-ne-wa. I have not been able to
afcertain the manner they form the genitive case. The
plural number of most nouns is formed by the addition
of the syllable uck as Sau-kie, Sau-kie-uck. The plural
of personal pronouns is generally formed by the addi-
tion of the syllable <wah.
The name of the principal chief of the Sauks is Nan-
nah-que, he is about forty years of age, rather small in
stature, unassuming in his deportment, and disposed to
cultivate the friendship of the whites ; but he does not
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 155
appear to pofsefs any extraordinary capacity. The two
next chiefs in rank are Mus-ke-ta-bah (red head) and
Mas-co ; the latter is a man of considerable intelligence
but rather old, and too fond of whiskey to have much
influence with his nation. These chiefs are all decidedly
opposed to a change of their condition. About a year
since this nation met with a heavy lofs in the death of
Mo-ne-to-mack, the greatest chief that they have had for
many years. Among other things which he contem-
plated accomplishing for the good of his people, was to
have their lands surveyed and laid off into tracts for
each family or tribe. He has left a son, but as yet he is
too young to afsume any authority.
The principal chief of the Fox nation is Wah-bal-lo;
he appears to be about thirty. He is a man of consider-
able capacity and very independent in his feelings, but
rather unambitious and indolent. The second chief of
this nation is Ty-ee-ma (Strawberry) ; he is about forty.
This man seems to be more intelligent than any other to
be found either among the Foxes or Sauks, but he is
extremely unwilling to communicate any thing relative
to the history, manners and customs of his people. He
has a variety of maps of different parts of the world and
appears to be desirous of gaining geographical informa-
tion; but is greatly attached to the savage state. I have
frequently endeavored to draw from him his opinion
with regard to a change of their condition from the sav-
age to the civilised state. He one day informed me when
conversing upon this subject, that the Great Spirit had
put Indians on the earth to hunt and gain a living in the
wildernefs; that he always found that when any of their
people departed from this mode of life, by attempting
to learn to read, write and live as white people do, the
Great Spirit was displeased, and they soon died; he con-
156 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
eluded by observing that when the Great Spirit made
them he gave them their medicine bag and they in-
tended to keep it.
I have not had an opportunity of becoming much ac-
quainted with that part of the Kickapoo nation living
in this vicinity. There are two principal chiefs among
them, Pah-moi-tah-mah (the swan that cries) and Pe-
can (the Nut) the former is an old man; the latter ap-
pears to be about forty; this nation has had considerable
intercourse with the whites, but they do not appear to
have profited much from it. They appear to be more
apt to learn and practice their vices, than their virtues.
The males of each nation of the Sauks and Foxes are
divided into two grand divisions, called kish-co-qua and
osh-kosh : to each there is a head called, war chief. As
soon as the first male child of a family is born he is
arranged to the first band, and when a second is born to
the second band, and so on. 50
The name of the Chief of the first band of Sauks, is
50 "There is abundant evidence that the military code was as carefully
developed as the social system among most of the tribes north of Mex-
ico. . . East of the Mississippi, where the clan system was dominant, the
chief military functions of leadership, declaration, and perhaps conclusion of
war, seem to have been hereditary in certain clans, as the Bear clan of the
Mohawk and Chippewa, and the Wolf or Munsee division of the Delawares.
It is probable that if their history were known it would be found that most of
the Indian leaders in the colonial and other early Indian wars were actually
the chiefs of the war clans or military societies of their respective tribes. . .
Among the confederated Sauk and Foxes, according to McKenney and Hall,
nearly all the men of the two tribes were organized into two war societies
which contested against each other in all races or friendly athletic games and
were distinguished by different cut of hair, costume, and dances. . . Through-
out the plains from north to south there existed a military organization so
similar among the various tribes as to suggest a common origin, although with
patriotic pride each tribe claimed it as its own." In these societies (four to
twelve in each tribe) were enrolled practically all the males from boys of ten
years old to the old men retired from active service. "Each society had its
own dance, songs, ceremonial costume, and insignia, besides special tabus and
obligations. . . At all tribal assemblies, ceremonial hunts, and on great
war expeditions, the various societies took charge of the routine details and
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 157
Ke-o-kuck ; when they go to war and on all public occa-
sions, his band is always painted white, with pipe clay.
The name of the second war chief is Na-cal-a-quoik:
his band is painted black. Each of these chiefs is en-
titled to one or two aid-de-camps, selected by themselves
from among the braves of their nation, who generally
accompany them on all public occasions and whenever
they go abroad. These two chiefs were raised to their
present rank in consequence of their succefs in opposing
the wishes of the majority of the nation to flee from their
village on the approach of a body of American troops
during the late war; they finally persuaded their nation
to remain on the condition of their engaging to take the
command and sustain their position. Our troops from
some cause or other did not attack them, and they of
course remained unmolested. In addition to these, there
are a great number of petty war chiefs or partizans, who
frequently head small parties of volunteers and go
against their enemies ; they are generally those who have
lost some near relative by the enemy. An Indian in-
tending to go to war will commence by blacking his
face, permitting his hair to grow long, and neglecting
his personal appearance, and also, by frequent fastings,
some times for two or three days together, and refrain-
acted both as performers and police." — JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer.
Indians.
The term Oshkushi "is the animate form of an inanimate word referring
to 'hoof,' 'claw,' 'nail;' applied to a member of the social divisions of the
Sauk, Foxes, and Kickapoo. The division is irrespective of clan and is the
cause of intense rivalry in sport. Their ceremonial color is black."
— WILLIAM JONES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
The name Oshkosh was borne by a chief of the Menominee, born in 1795,
died Aug. 31, 1850. He, with a hundred of his tribesmen, fought under the
British in the capture of Ft. Mackinaw from the Americans in July, 1812.
At the treaty of Butte des Morts (Aug. u, 1827) he represented his tribe,
being named chief at that time for this purpose. A portrait of him, painted
by Samuel M. Brookes, is in the possession of the Wisconsin State Historical
Society. The city of Oshkosh, in Wisconsin, bears his name. — ED.
158 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON
ing from all intercourse with the other sex; if his dreams
are favorable he thinks that the Great Spirit will give
him succefs; he then makes a feast, generally of dog's
meat (it being the greatest sacrifice that he can make to
part with a favorite dog) ; when all those who feel in-
clined to join him will attend the feast ; after this is con-
cluded they immediately set off on their expedition. It
frequently happens that in consequence of unfavorable
dreams or some trifling accident the whole party will
return without meeting with the enemy. When they are
succefsful in taking prisoners or scalps, they return to
their villages with great pomp and ceremony. The party
will halt several miles from a village and send a mefsen-
ger to inform the nation of their succefs, and of the time
that they intend to enter the village ; when all the female
friends of the party will drefs themselves in their best
attire and go out to meet them; on their arrival it is the
privilege of these women to take from them all their
blankets, trinkets, etc., that they may pofsefs; the whole
party then paint themselves and approach the village
with the scalps stretched on small hoops and suspended
to long poles or sticks, dancing, singing, and beating the
drum, in this manner they enter the village. The chiefs
in council will then determine whether they shall dance
the scalps (as they term it) or not, if this is permitted,
the time is fixed by them, when the ceremony shall com-
mence, and when it shall end. In these dances51 the
women join the succefsful warriors. I have seen myself
51 "The dance of the older time was fraught with symbolism and mystic
meaning which it has lost in civilization and enlightenment. It is confined
to no one country of the world, to no period of ancient or modern time, and to
no plane of human culture. Strictly interpreted, therefore, the dance seems
to constitute an important adjunct rather than the basis of the social, military,
religious, and other activities designed to avoid evil and to secure wel-
fare. . . The dance is only an element, not the basis, of the several festi-
vals, rites, and ceremonies performed in accordance with well-defined rules
KEOKUCK (Sauk)
MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 161
more than a hundred of them dancing at once, all
painted, and clad in their most gaudy attire. The fore-
going manner of raising a war party, etc., is peculiar to
the Sauks, Foxes and Kickapoos; with the Chippewas,
Ottawas, and Pottawattamies it is some what different.
A warrior of these nations wishing to go against his
enemies, after blacking his face, fasting, etc., prepares
a temporary lodge out of the village in which he seats
himself and smokes his pipe; in the middle of his lodge
hangs a belt of wampum or piece of scarlet cloth, orna-
mented ; a young Indian wishing to accompany him goes
into the lodge and draws the belt of wampum or piece
of cloth thro7 his left hand and sits down and smokes of
the tobacco already prepared by the partizan. After a
sufficient number is collected in this manner, the whole
begin to compare their dreams daily together; if their
dreams are favorable, they are anxious to march imme-
diately; otherwise they will give up the expedition for
the present saying, that it will not please the Great Spir-
and usages, of which it has become a part. The dance was a powerful im-
pulse to their performance, not the motive of their observance. . . The word
or logos of the song or chant in savage and barbaric planes of thought and
culture expressed the action of the orenda, or esoteric magic power, regarded
as immanent in the rite or ceremony of which the dance was a dominant ad-
junct and impulse. In the lower planes of thought the dance was inseparable
from the song or chant, which not only started and accompanied but also
embodied it. . . There are personal, fraternal, clan or gentile, tribal, and
inter-tribal dances; there are also social, erotic, comic, mimic, patriotic, mili-
tary or warlike, invocative, offertory, and mourning dances, as well as those
expressive of gratitude and thanksgiving. Morgan (League of the Iroquois,
1904, vol. i, 278) gives a list of thirty-two leading dances of the Seneca Iro-
quois, of which six are costume dances, fourteen are for both men and women,
eleven for men only, and seven for women only. Three of the costume dances
occur in those exclusively for men, and the other three in those for both men
and women. . . The ghost dance, the snake dance, the sun dance, the scalp
dance, and the calumet dance, each performed for one or more purposes, are not
developments from the dance, but rather the dance has become only a part of
the ritual of each of these important observances, which by metonymy have
been called by the name of only a small but conspicuous part or element of the
entire ceremony." — J. N. B. HEWITT, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
1 62 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
it for them to go, or that their medicine is not good or,
that their partizan has cohabited with his wife. If
every thing goes right the whole will meet at their
leader's lodge, where they will beat the drums and pray
the Great Spirit to make them succefsful over their
enemies. When the party consists of twenty or upwards,
its leader will appoint a confidential man, to carry the
great medicine bag. After they are afsembled at the
place of rendezvous and in readinefs to march, the parti-
zan will make a speech in which he will inform them
that they are now about to go to war; that when they
meet their enemies he hopes they will behave like men,
and not fear death; that the Great Spirit will deliver
their enemies into their hands, and that they shall have
liberty to do as they please with them ; but at the same
time if there are any among them who are fearful of
anything whatever, such had better remain at home and
not set out on such a hazardous expedition.
Among the Ottawas the partizan leads when they
march out but the warrior who first delivers him a scalp
or prisoner leads the party homeward and receives the
belt of wampum. On the arrival of the party at the
village, they distribute the prisoners to those who have
lost relations by the enemy; or if the prisoners are to be
killed, their spirits are delivered over to some particular
person's relations who have died and are now in the
other world.
Among the Pottawattamies it is different; all prison-
ers or scalps belong to the partizan, and he disposes of
them as he may think proper: he will some times give
a prisoner to a family who has lost a son and the pris-
oner will be adopted by the family and considered the
same as though he was actually the person whose place
he fills. This latter practice is also observed among the
Sauks and Foxes.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 163
In addition to the grand divisions of the males, each
nation is subdivided into a great number of families or
tribes. Among the Sauks there are no less than fourteen
tribes; each of them being distinguished by a particular
name (generally by the name of some animal) some of
which are as follows -The bear tribe, wolf tribe, dog
tribe, elk tribe, eagle tribe, partridge tribe, sturgeon
tribe, sucker tribe, and the thunder tribe. Except in
particular cases all the Indian nations mentioned in the
foregoing are governed almost altogether by the advice
of their chiefs and the fear of punishment from the evil
spirit not only in this, but in the other world. The only
instances wherein I have ever known any laws enforced
or penalties exacted for a disobedience of them by the
Sauks and Foxes, are when they are returning in the
spring from their hunting grounds to their village. The
village chiefs then advise the war chiefs to declare the
martial law to be in force, which is soon proclaimed and
the whole authority placed in the hands of the war
chiefs.52 Their principal object in so doing appears to
52 "Among the North American Indians a chief may be generally defined
as a political officer whose distinctive functions are to execute the ascertained
will of a definite group of persons united by the possession of a common terri-
tory or range and of certain exclusive rights, immunities, and obligations, and
to conserve their customs, traditions, and religion. He exercises legislative,
judicative, and executive powers delegated to him in accordance with custom
for the conservation and promotion of the public weal. The wandering band
of men with their women and children contains the simplest type of chief-
taincy found among the American Indians, for such a group has no perma-
nently fixed territorial limits, and no definite social and political relations exist
between it and any other body of persons. The clan or gens embraces several
such chieftaincies, and has a more highly developed internal political structure
with definite land boundaries. The tribe is constituted of several clans or
gentes and the confederation of several tribes." In the course of social pro-
gress and the advance of political organization, multiplied and diversified
functions also required various kinds and grades of officials, or chiefs; there
were civil and war chiefs, and the latter might be permanent or temporary, the
former existing where the civil structure was permanent, as among the Iro-
quois. "Where the civil organization was of the simplest character the
authority of the chiefs was most nearly despotic; even in some instances where
1 64 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
be to prevent one family from returning before another
whereby it might be exposed to an enemy ; or by arriving
at the village before the others, dig up its neighbours'
corn. It is the businefs of the war chiefs in these cases
to keep all the canoes together; and on land to regulate
the march of those who are mounted or on foot. One of
the chiefs goes ahead to pitch upon the encamping
ground for each night, where he will set up a painted
pole or stake as a signal for them to halt; any Indian
going beyond this is punished, by having his canoe, and
whatever else he may have along with him, destroyed.
On their arrival at their respective villages, sentinels are
posted, and no one is allowed to leave his village until
every thing is put in order; when this is accomplished
the martial law ceases to be in force. A great deal of
pains appears to be taken by the chiefs and principal
men to imprefs upon the minds of the younger part of
their respective nations what they conceive to be their
duty to themselves and to each other. As soon as day
light appears it is a practice among the Sauks and Foxes
for a chief or principal man to go through their respec-
tive villages, exhorting and advising them, in a very loud
voice, what to do, and how to conduct themselves. Their
families in general appear to be well regulated, all the
laborious duties of the lodge, and of the field, however,
are put upon the women, except what little afsistance the
old men are able to afford. The children appear to be
particularly under the charge of their mother; the boys
until they are of a suitable age to handle the bow or gun.
the civil structure was complex, as among the Natchez, the rule of the chiefs
at times became in a measure tyrannical, but this was due largely to the recog-
nition of social castes and the domination of certain religious beliefs and con-
siderations. The chieftainship was usually hereditary in certain families of
the community, although in some communities any person by virtue of the
acquisition of wealth could proclaim himself a chief. Descent of blood, prop-
erty, and official titles were generally traced through the mother."
-J. N. B. HEWITT, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 165
Corporal punishment is seldom resorted to for their cor-
rection ; if they commit any fault, it is common for their
mother to black their faces, and send them out of the
lodge, when this is done they are not allowed to eat until
it is washed off ; sometimes they are kept a whole day in
this situation as a punishment for their misconduct.
When the boys are six or seven years of age a small
bow is put into their hands and they are sent out to hunt
birds about the lodge or village ; this they continue to
do for five or six years, when their father purchases them
shot guns, and they begin to hunt ducks, geese, etc.
Their father (particularly in winter evenings) will re-
late to them the manner of approaching a Deer, Elk, or
Buffaloe, also the manner of setting a trap, and when
able, he will take them a hunting with him, and show
them the tracks of different animals, all of which the boy
pays the greatest attention to.
The girls as a matter of course are under the direction
of their mother, and she will show them how to make
moggazins, leggins, mats, etc. She is very particular to
keep them continually employed, so that they may have
the reputation of being industrious girls, and therefore
the more acceptable or more sought after by the young
men.
Most of the Indians marry early in life, the men from
sixteen to twenty generally, and the girls from fourteen
to eighteen. There appears to be but little difficulty in
a young Indians procuring himself a wife, particularly
if he is a good hunter, or has distinguished himself in
battle. There are several ways for a young Indian to
get himself a wife; sometimes the match is made by the
parents of the young man and girl without his knowl-
edge, but the most common mode of procuring a wife
is as follows:
A young man will see a young woman that he takes a
1 66 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
fancy to; he will commence by making a friend of
some young man, a relation of hers (perhaps her
brother) ; after this is done he will disclose his inten-
tions to his friend, saying, that he is a good hunter and
has been several times to war, etc., appealing to him for
the truth of his assertions, and conclude by saying, if
your parents will let me have your sister for a wife I
will serve them faithfully, that is to say, according to
custom, which is until she has a child; after which he
can take her away to his own relations or live with his
wife's. During the servitude of a young Indian neither
he nor his wife has any thing at their disposal, he is to
hunt, and that in the most industrious manner, his wife
is continually at work, dressing skins, 53 making mats,
planting corn, etc. The foregoing modes of procuring
53 "In the domestic economy of the Indian skins were his most valued and
useful property, as they became later his principal trading asset; and a mere
list of the articles made of this material would embrace nearly half his earthly
possessions. Every kind of skin large enough to be stripped from the carcass
of beast, bird, or fish was used in some tribe or other, but those in most general
use were those of the buffalo, elk, deer, antelope, beaver" [in the region covered
in the present book]. Among the chief articles made from skins were tipis,
boxes, bed-covers, pouches, and bags, blankets, harness for animals, the boats
used by the upper Missouri tribes, clothing of all kinds, shields, cradles, fishing
lines and nets. "The methods employed for dressing skins were very much the
same everywhere north of Mexico, the difference being chiefly in the chemicals
used and the amount of labor given to the task. Among the plains tribes, with
which the art is still in constant practice nearly according to the ancient
method, the process consists of six principal stages, viz, fleshing, scraping,
braining [anointing the skin with a mixture of cooked brains, etc.], stripping,
graining, and working, for each of which a different tool is required. . . Ac-
cording to Schoolcraft (Narr. Jour., 323; 1821) the eastern Sioux dressed their
buffalo skins with a decoction of oak bark, which he surmises may have been
an idea borrowed from the whites." Various kinds of skins, and those for
special purposes, receive special kinds of treatment, according to varying cir-
cumstances. "It is doubtful if skin dyeing was commonly practiced in former
times, although every tribe had some method of skin painting. The process as
described in practice by the plains tribes refers more particularly to the north-
ern and western tribes of the United States; those dwelling south of the Al-
gonquian tribes, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, had a somewhat different
method. This is described, as seen among the Choctaw." — JAMES MOONEY, in
Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 167
a wife apply particularly to the Sauk, Fox, and Kicka-
poo nations ; with the Chippewas, Ottawas, and Potta-
wattamies, a wife is sometimes purchased by the parents
of the young man, when she becomes at once his own
property; but the most common mode of procuring a
wife in all these nations is by servitude. It frequently
happens that when an Indians servitude for one wife has
expired he will take another (his wife's sister perhaps)
and again serve her parents according to custom. Many
of these Indians have two or three wives, the greatest
number that I have known any man to have at one time
was five. When an Indian wants more than one wife,
he generally prefers that they should be sisters, as they
are more likely to agree and live together peaceable. An
old man of fifty or sixty will frequently marry a girl of
sixteen and who already has two or three wives. It
seldom happens that a man separates from his wife, it
sometimes does however happen, and then she is at
liberty to marry again. The crime of adultery is gen-
erally punished by the Pottawattamies, by the husband's
biting off the woman's nose and afterwards separating
from her.
There appears to be no marriage ceremony among
these Indians at the present day.
The Pottawattamies have a ceremony in naming their
children ; 54 which is generally performed when they are
about a month old; it is as follows. The parents of the
54 "Among the Indians personal names were given and changed at the
critical epochs of life, such as birth, puberty, the first war expedition, some
notable feat, elevation to chieftainship, and, finally, retirement from active
life was marked by the adoption of the name of one's son. In general, names
may be divided into two classes: (i) True names, corresponding to our per-
sonal names; and (2) names which answer rather to our titles and honorary
appellations. The former define or indicate the social group into which a man
is born, whatever honor they entail being due to the accomplishments of an-
cestors, while the latter mark what the individual has done himself. There are
characteristic tribal differences in names, and where a clan system existed each
168 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
child invite some old and respectable man to their lodge
in the evening, and inform him, that they wish him to
name their child the day following. The old man then
engages two or more young men to come to the lodge
early in the next morning to cook a feast; this feast
must be cooked by young men in a lodge by themselves,
no other person is permitted to enter until it is ready for
the guests who are then and not before invited. After
the feast is over the old man then rises and informs the
company the object of their being together, and gives
the child its name, and then goes on to make a long
speech, by saying, that he hopes the Great Spirit will
preserve the life of the child, make a good hunter and
a succefsful warrior, etc. With the Sauks, Foxes, and
Kickapoos this ceremony is not always attended to ; they
however, in common with the Chippewas, Ottawas, and
Pottawattamies, have a great number of feasts. They
all make a feast of the first Dear, Bear, Elk, Buffaloe,
clan had its own set of names, distinct from those of all other clans, and, in the
majority of cases, referring to the totem animal, plant, or object. At the
same time there were tribes in which names apparently had nothing to do with
totems, and some such names are apt to occur in clans having totemic
names. . . Names of men and women were usually, though not always,
different. When not taken from the totem animal, they were often grandilo-
quent terms referring to the greatness and wealth of the bearer, or they might
commemorate some special triumph of the family, while, as among the Navaho,
nicknames referring to a personal characteristic were often used. . . Often
names were ironical, and had to be interpreted in a manner directly opposite
to the apparent sense. . . Names could often be loaned, pawned, or even
given or thrown away outright; on the other hand, they might be adopted out
of revenge without the consent of the owner. The possession of a name was
everywhere jealously guarded, and it was considered discourteous or even in-
sulting to address one directly by it. This reticence, on the part of some
Indians at least, appears to have been due to the fact that every man, and
every thing as well, was supposed to have a real name which so perfectly
expressed his inmost nature as to be practically identical with him. This name
might long remain unknown to all, even to its owner, but at some critical
period in life it was confidentially revealed to him. . . In recent years the
Office of Indian Affairs has made an effort to systematize the names of some
of the Indians for the purpose of facilitating land allotments, etc."
— JOHN R. SWANTON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 169
etc., a young man kills; even the first small bird, that a
boy kills, is preserved and makes a part of the next feast.
There appears to be a great deal of secrecy and cere-
mony in preparing these feasts.
Other feasts to the Great Spirit are frequently made
by these Indians, sometimes by one person alone; but it
is oftener the case, that several join in making them.
They repair to the lodge where the feast is to be made,
shut themselves up, and commence beating the drum,
shaking the che-che-quon (a gourd shell with a handful
of corn in it),55 singing and smoking; this is alternately
continued during the whole time that the feast is pre-
paring, which generally continues from twelve to
eighteen hours. When everything is in readinefs the
guests are invited by sending to each a small stick or
reed; as soon as they arrive, they seat themselves in a
circle on the ground in the middle of the lodge, when
one of the guests places before each person a wooden
bowl with his proportion of the feast, and they imme-
55 The rattle is "an instrument for producing rhythmic sound, used by all
Indian tribes except the Eskimo. It was generally regarded as a sacred ob-
ject, not to be brought forth on ordinary occasions, but confined to rituals,
religious feasts, shamanistic performances, etc. This character is emphasized
in the sign language of the plains, where the sign for rattle is the basis of all
signs indicating that which is sacred. Early in the i6th century Esfevan, the
negro companion of Cabeza de Vaca, traversed with perfect immunity great
stretches of country occupied by numerous different tribes, bearing a cross in
one hand, and a gourd rattle in the other. . . Rattles may be divided into
two general classes, those in which objects of approximately equal size are
struck together, and those in which small objects, such as pebbles, quartz crys-
tals, or seeds, are inclosed in a hollow receptacle. The first embraces rattles
made of animal hoofs or dewclaws, bird beaks, shells, pods, etc. These were
held in the hand, fastened to blankets, belts, or leggings, or made into neck-
laces or anklets so as to make a noise when the wearer moved. . . The
second type of rattle was made of a gourd, of the entire shell of a tortoise, of
pieces of rawhide sewed together, or, as on the N.W. coast, of wood. It was
usually decorated with paintings, carvings, or feathers and pendants, very
often having a symbolic meaning. The performer, besides shaking these rattles
with the hand, sometimes struck them against an object." — JOHN R. SWANTON,
in Handbook Amer. Indians.
MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
diately commence eating. When each man's proportion
is eaten, the bones are all collected and put into a bowl
and afterwards thrown into the river or burnt. 56 The
whole of the feast must be eaten ; in case a man can not
eat his part of it he pafses his dish with a piece of to-
bacco to his neighbor and he eats it and the guests then
retire. Those who make a feast never eat any part of
it themselves, they say, they give their part of it to the
Great Spirit, they always have some consecrated tobac-
co, which they afterwards bury, and then the feast is
concluded. The women of these nations are very par-
ticular to remove from their lodges, to one erected for
that particular purpose, when their menstrual term ap-
proaches;57 no article of furniture that is used in this
56 Cf. allusions to the superstitious burning of bones, in Jesuit Relations,
vol. ix, 299, vol. xx, 199, vol. xli, 301, 303 (and others, for which see Index,
vol. Ixxii, 323). This belief is thus explained by Brinton (Myths of New
World, first edition, 257-261) : "The opinion underlying all these [burial]
customs was, that a part of the soul, or one of the souls, dwelt in the bones;
that these were the seeds, which, planted in the earth, or preserved unbroken
in safe places, would in time put on once again a garb of flesh, and germinate
into living human beings. . . Even the lower animals were supposed to
follow the same law. Hardly any of the hunting tribes, before their original
manners were vitiated by foreign influence, permitted the bones of game slain
in the chase to be broken, or left carelessly about the encampment. They were
collected in heaps, or thrown into the water." Also (144, 145) : "As the path
to a higher life hereafter, the burning of the dead was first instituted. . .
Those of Nicaragua seemed to think it the sole path to immortality, holding
that only such as offered themselves on the pyre of their chieftain would escape
annihilation at death; and the tribes of upper California were persuaded that
such as were not burned to death were liable to be transformed into the lower
orders of brutes." See also Long's Expedition (Phila., 1823), vol. i, 278. — ED.
57 For this clause is substituted in Morse's Report, obviously by that learned
doctor, the following words, "at such seasons as were customarily observed by
Jewish women, according to the law of Moses." For further mention of this
seclusion of women, and superstitions connected with it, see Jesuit Relations,
vol. iii, 105, vol. ix, 123, 308, 309, vol. xiii, 261 ; also Report of Bureau of
Amer. Ethnology, 1881-1882, 263, 267, and 1892-1893, 175. The same custom
was connected with childbirth; see Report of 1883-1884, 497; of 1884-1885,
610; and 1887-1888, 415. - ED.
This was a form of taboo, "a Polynesian term (tabu] applied to a sacred
interdiction proper to or laid upon a person, place, day, name, or any conceiv-
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 171
lodge is ever used in any other, not even the steel and
flint with which they strike fire. No Indian ever ap-
proaches this lodge while a woman occupies it, and
able thing which is thereby rendered sacred and communication with it except
to a few people or under certain circumstances forbidden. It was formerly
such a striking institution, and was in consequence so frequently mentioned by
explorers and travelers, that the word has been adopted into English both as
applying to similar customs among other races and in a colloquial sense. Its
negative side, being the more conspicuous, became that attached to the adopted
term; but religious prohibitions among primitive races being closely bound up
with others of a positive character, it is often applied to the latter as well ; and
writers frequently speak of the taboos connected with the killing of a bear or
a bison, or the taking of a salmon, meaning thereby the ceremonies then per-
formed, both positive and negative. In colloquial English usage, it has
ceased to have any religious significance. Whether considered in its negative
or in its positive aspect this term may be applied in North America to a num-
ber of regulations observed at definite periods of life, in connection with im-
portant undertakings, and either by individuals or by considerable numbers of
persons. Such were the regulations observed by boys and girls at puberty; by
parents before the birth of a child; by relatives after the decease of a relative;
by hunters and fishermen in the pursuit of their occupations; by boys desiring
guardian spirits or wishing to become shamans; by shamans and chiefs desiring
more power, or when curing the sick, prophesying, endeavoring to procure food
by supernatural means, or 'showing their power' in any manner; by novitiates
into secret societies, and by leaders in society or tribal dances in preparation
for them. . . In tribes divided into totemic clans or gentes each individual
was often called upon to observe certain regulations in regard to his totem
animal," which sometimes took the form of an absolute prohibition against
killing that animal ; "but at other times it merely involved an apology to the
animal or abstinence from eating certain parts of it. The negative prohi-
bitions, those which may be called the taboos proper, consisted in abstinence
from hunting, fishing, war, women, sleep, certain kinds of work, etc., but
above all abstinence from eating; while among positive accompaniments may
be mentioned washing, sweat-bathing, flagellation, and the taking of emetics
and other medicines. In the majority of American tribes, the name of a dead
man was not uttered — unless in some altered form — for a considerable period
after his demise; and sometimes, as among the Kiowa, the custom was carried
so far that names of common animals or other terms in current use were en-
tirely dropped from the language because of the death of a person bearing such
a name. Frequently it was considered improper for a man to mention his own
name, and the mention of the personal name was avoided by wives and hus-
bands in addressing each other, and sometimes by other relatives as well. But
the most common regulation of this kind was that which decreed that a man
should not address his mother-in-law directly, or vice versa; and the prohi-
bition of intercourse often applied to fathers-in-law and daughters-in-law
also." Anything desired or feared by man might occasion these prohibitions or
172 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
should a white man approach it and wish to light his
pipe by the fire of a woman while in this situation, she
will not allow him by any means to do so, saying, that
it will make his nose bleed and his head ache ; that it
will make him sick.
When an Indian dies, his relations put on him his best
regulations; misfortunes might result from their non-fulfilment, or they might
bring good fortune — more or less as the regulation was more or less strictly
observed. The taboo "is one aspect of religious phenomena known by many
other names ; and, at least among the lower races, is almost as broad as religion
itself.
"The significance of a girl's entrance into womanhood was not only appre-
ciated by all American tribes, but its importance was much exaggerated. It
was believed that whatever she did or experienced then was bound to affect
her entire subsequent life, and that she had exceptional power over all persons
or things that came near her at that period. For this reason she was usually
carefully set apart from other people in a small lodge in the woods, in a
separate room, or behind some screen. There she remained for a period vary-
ing from a few days, preferably four, to a year or even longer -the longer
isolation being endured by girls of wealthy or aristocratic families— and pre-
pared her own food or had it brought to her by her mother or some old
woman, the only person with whom she had anything to do. Her dishes,
spoons, and other articles were kept separate from all others, and had to be
washed thoroughly before they could be used again, or, as with the Iroquois, an
entirely new set was provided for her. For a long period she ate sparingly
and took but little water, while she bathed often. Salt especially was tabooed
by the girl at this period." Many other taboos were in vogue, among the dif-
ferent tribes, and the girl was made the subject of various ceremonies peculiar
to this period of her life; and many superstitions regarding her and her con-
dition were current among the savages. "The whole period of isolation and
fast usually ended with a feast and public ceremonies as a sign that the girl
was now marriageable and that the family was now open to offers for her
hand. . . Although not so definitely connected with the puberty, certain
ordeals were undergone by a boy at about that period which were supposed
to have a deep influence on his future career. Among these are especially
to be noted isolation and fasts among the mountains and woods, sweat bathing
and plunging into cold water, abstinence from animal food, the swallowing of
medicines sometimes of intoxicating quality, and the rubbing of the body with
fish spines and with herbs. As in the case of the girl, numbers of regulations
were observed which were supposed to affect the boy's future health, happi-
ness, and success in hunting, fishing, and war. . . The regulations of a boy
were frequently undergone in connection with ceremonies introducing him
into the mysteries of the tribe or of some secret society. They were not as
widespread in North America as the regulations imposed upon girls, and varied
more from tribe to tribe. It has also been noticed that they break down sooner
before contact with whites." — JOHN R. SWANTON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 173
clothes, and either bury him in the ground or put him on
a scaffold ; but the former is the most common mode of
disposing of the dead. As soon as an Indian dies his
relations engage three or four persons to bury the body;
they usually make a rough coffin of a piece of a canoe
or some bark, the body is then taken to the grave in a
blanket or buffaloe skin, and placed in the coffin, to-
gether with a hatchet, knife, etc., and then covered over
with earth. Some of the near relations usually follow
the corps; the women on these occasions appear to be
much affected. If the deceased was a warrior, a post
is usually erected at his head, on which is painted red
crofses of different sizes, to denote the number of men,
women, and children he has killed of the enemy during
his life time, and which they say he will claim as his
slaves now that he has gone to the other world. It is
frequently the case that some of his friends will strike
a post, or tree, and say I will speak; he then in a loud
voice will say at such a place I killed an enemy, I give
his spirit to our departed friend; and sometimes he may
give a greater number in the same manner. The friends
of the deceased will afterwards frequently take victuals,
.tobacco, etc., to his grave and there leave it, believing
that whatever they present to him in this manner, he
will have in the other world.
An Indian always mourns for the lofs of near relations
from six to twelve months, by neglecting his personal
appearance, blacking his face, etc. A woman will
mourn for the lofs of a husband, at least twelve months,
during which time she appears to be very solitary and
sad, never speaking to any one unlefs necefsary, and al-
ways wishing to be alone; at the expiration of their
mourning she will paint and drefs as formerly, and en-
deaver to get another husband.
The belief of these Indians relative to their creation
174 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
is not very dissimilar to our own. Masco, one of the
chiefs of the Sauks informed me that they believed, that
the Great Spirit in the first place created from the dirt
of the earth two men ; but finding that these alone would
not answer his purpose, he took from each man a rib
and made two women, from these four he says sprang all
red men; that the place where they were created was
Mo-ne-ac (Montreal). That they were all one nation
until they behaved so badly that the Great Spirit came
among them, and talked different languages to them,
which caused them to separate, and form different na-
tions : he said that it was at this place that Indians first
saw white men, that they then thought they were spirits.
I asked him how they supposed white men were made ;
he replyed that Indians supposed the Great Spirit made
them of the fine dust of the earth as they knew more than
they did. They appear to entertain a variety of opin-
ions with regard to a future state; a Fox Indian told me
that their people generally believed that as soon as an
Indian left this world, he commenced his journey for
the habitation provided for him by the Great Spirit in
the other world; that those who had conducted them-
selves well in this life, met with but little difficulty in
finding the road which leads to it; but that those who
had behaved badly always got into the wrong road,
which was very crooked and very difficult to travel in;
that they frequently met with broad rivers which they
had to ford or swim ; and in this manner they were pun-
ished, until the Great Spirit thought proper to put them
into the good road, and then they soon reached their
friends, and the country of their future residence, where
all kinds of game was plenty, and where they had but
little to do, but to dance by night, and sleep by day; he
further observed that when young children died they
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 175
did not at first fare so well. That originally there were
two Great Spirits who were brothers, and equally good,
that one of them died and went to another world and
has ever since been called Mach-i-Man-i-to (the Evil
Spirit) that this Spirit has a son who makes prisoners
of all the children that die too young to find the good
path, and takes them to his own town, where they were
formerly deprived by him of their brains, in order that
when they grew up they might not have sense enough to
leave him. That the Good Spirit seeing this, sent an
eagle to peck a hole in the head of every young child as
soon as it dies and makes its appearance in the other
world, and to deprive it of its brain and conceal the
same in the ground ; that the child is always immediate-
ly after taken as a prisoner by the Evil Spirit and kept
until of a suitable age to travel, when the eagle returns
its brain; and then, it having sense enough, immediately
leaves the Bad Spirit and finds the good road.
Most of these Indians say that their deceased friends
appear occasionally to them in the shape of birds and
different kinds of beasts. A Fox Indian observed one
morning last summer that the spirit of a certain Indian
(who was buryed the day before) appeared last night
near his grave in the shape of a Turkey, and that he
heard the noise of him almost all night. I enquired of
another Indian (quite an old man) if any of their people
had ever returned from the dead, he replyed, that he
had heard of only one or two instances of the kind ; but
that he believed they knew what they were about in this
world.
I do not at the present time think of anything further
relative to the history, manners, religion and customs
of the Indians worthy of notice. No part of what I have
written is taken from books, but almost every thing has
1 76 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
been drawn from either the Indians themselves or from
persons acquainted with their language, manners, cus-
toms, etc., on this account I presume that it will be the
more acceptable.
I will now proceed agreeably to your request to give
you my ideas relative to the Indian trade, etc.58
In the first place I have to observe, that the Factory
System for supplying the Indians with such articles as
they may need, does not appear to me to be productive
of any great advantage, either to the savages, themselves,
or to the government. But very few, if any of the In-
dians have sufficient forecast to save enough of the pro-
ceeds of their last hunt to equip themselves for the next;
the consequence is, that when the hunting season ap-
proaches they must be dependant upon some one for a
credit. An Indian family generally consists of from
five to ten persons, his wife, children, children-in-law,
and grandchildren, all of whom look to its head for
their supplies; and the whole of the proceeds of the
hunt goes into one common stock, which is disposed of
by him for the benefit of the whole. When cold weather
approaches they are generally destitute of many articles,
which are necefsary for their comfort and convenience;
besides guns, traps, and ammunition; some kettles, blan-
kets, strouding, etc., are always wanting; for these
articles they have no one to look to but the private
trader; as it is well known that the United States Fac-
tors give no credit; but even if they did, the number of
these establishments is too limited to accommodate any
considerable number of Indians, as but few of them will
travel far to get their supplies if it can be avoided: and
farther, the Indians (who are good judges of the quality
of the articles they are in want of) are of the opinion
58 The rest of Marston's letter (except the last two paragraphs) was printed
by Morse on pages 56-59 of the Report. — ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 177
that the Factor's goods are not so cheap, taking into con-
sideration their quality, as their private trader's; in this
I feel pretty well convinced, from my own observation,
and the acknowledgment of one of the most respectable
Factors of our government, Judge Johnson, of Prairie
du Chien, that they are correct; this gentleman informed
me but a few months ago that the goods received for his
establishment were charged at least 25 pc* higher than
their current prices, and that he had received many
articles of an inferior and unsuitable quality for Indian
trade. 59 If you speak to an Indian upon the subject of
their great father, the President, supplying them with
goods from his factories, he will say at once you are a
pash-i-pash-i-to (a fool), our great father is certainly
no trader, he has sent these goods to be given to us as
presents, but his agents are endeavoring to cheat us by
selling them for our peltries.
The amount of goods actually disposed of by the
United States Factors at Green Bay, Chicago, Prairie
du Chien, and Fort Edwards, if I am rightly informed
is very inconsiderable. The practice of selling goods to
the whites and of furnishing outfits to Indian traders,
69 "A similar complaint was made by the Six Nations at Buffalo the last
August, when I was present A member of Congress, I was told, had been
invited to inspect the goods and to witness the fact of their inferiority. It was
asserted to me that much better goods, and at a less price than those which
were distributed at this time (an annuity payment) by the Indian agent, could
have been purchased at New York. Had the amount due these Indians been
judiciously expended in that city, the Indians, it was said, might have been
benefited by it, in the quality of their goods, several hundred dollars. It was
added, that the Indians are good judges of the quality of goods, and know
when they were well or ill treated. But they had, in this case, no means of
redress." — REV. J. MORSE.
"John W. Johnson, a native of Maryland, was United States factor at
Prairie du Chien, in 1816, and afterwards. In his manners, he was a real
gentleman, and a very worthy man ; but unfortunately, he was quite deaf.
He married a Sauk woman, and raised several children, and educated them;
and finally retired to St. Louis, wealthy, where he resided the last I heard of
him." — JOHN SHAW, in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. x, 222.
178 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
are the principal causes of their sales being so great as
they actually are.
In my opinion the best plan of supplying the natives
is by private American traders of good character, if
they could be placed under proper restrictions.
In the first place it is for their interest to please the
Indians and prevent their having whiskey (particularly
when they are on their hunting grounds) and to give
them good advice.
Secondly. They always give them a credit sufficient
to enable them to commence hunting.
Thirdly. They winter near their hunting grounds
and agreeably to the suggestion of a late secretary of
war, take to themselves uhelp mates" from the daughters
of the forest, and thereby do much towards civilizing
them.
Fourthly. They always have comfortable quarters
for the Indians when they visit them, and by the fre-
quent intercourse which subsists between them become
acquainted with us and imperceptibly imbibe many of
our ideas, manners, and customs.
Fifthly. From interested motives, if from no other,
traders will always advise the Indians to keep at peace
among themselves and with the whites.
There are some changes which I think might be made
to advantage in the regulations for Indian traders. In
the first place with a view to do away the imprefsion
which almost universally prevails in the minds of the
Indians in this part of the country, that the traders,
clerks, interpreters, boatmen, and laborers, and also
their goods are almost all British (which unfortunately
happens to be nearly the truth, for their is scarcely a
single boatman or laborer employed by the traders who
is not a British subject, their goods it is well known are
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 179
almost altogether of British manufacture), I would
recommend, that no clerk, interpreter, boatman or la-
borer be employed by them who is not a citizen of the
United States; and further, that every trader be obliged
to display the American flag on his boat when travel-
ling, and at his tent or hut when encamped.
The best and most succefsful means which could be
employed by government to civilize the Indians or
render them lefs savage than they now are, in my opin-
ion would be for the agent of each nation to reside at
or near one of their principal villages, there to have a
comfortable habitation and a council room sufficiently
large to accommodate all who might wish to attend his
councils. To employ a blacksmith and a carpenter,
and of course have shops and suitable tools for them;
every nation has a great deal for a blacksmith to do;
there would probably be lefs for a carpenter to attend
to, but he might be advantageously employed in mak-
ing agricultural implements, etc. For him to cultivate
in the vicinity of the village, with the consent of the
nation a small farm and to keep a small stock of horses,
oxen and cows. It should be understood among the
Indians that the farming establishment is solely for the
benefit of the agent, should it be known among them
that the object was to learn them to cultivate the soil
as the whites do, they would most certainly object to it;
but if this is not known, they will soon see the advan-
tages of employing the plough, harrow, etc., and be
induced to imitate our examples; and thus get on the
road which leads to civilization before they are aware
of it.
If an agent of government should go among them, as
has sometimes been the case, and inform them that he
had been sent by their great father, the president, to
i8o MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON [Vol.
learn them how to cultivate the soil, spin, weave cloth
and live like white people, they would be sure to set
their faces against him and his advice, and say that he
is a fool; that Indians are not like white people, the
Great Spirit has not made them of the same color,
neither has he made them for the same occupations.
The next step towards their civilization would prob-
ably be, that some of their old people would remain at
their respective villages, if [they] could be afsured of
their being secure from their enemies, while the others
are on their hunting grounds : thus they would go on
from step to step until they would become not only civi-
lized beings, but Christians.
I consider it important that government should ex-
change as soon as practicable all British flags and
medals which the Indians may have in their pofsefsion
for American ones. 60 The Sauk and Fox Indians have
no American flags at present and but few American
medals; if you speak to them of the impropriety of their
displaying British flags and wearing British medals,
60 Presents of various kinds were made by European governments, and later
by that of the United States, to Indian chiefs as rewards for loyalty. These
were often military weapons, especially brass tomahawks; also were given
hat- bands, gorgets, and belt- buckles of silver, often engraved with the royal
arms, or with emblems of peace. "The potency of the medal was soon
appreciated as a means of retaining the Indian's allegiance, in which it played
a most important part. While gratifying the vanity of the recipient, it ap-
pealed to him as an emblem of fealty or of chieftainship, and in time had a
place in the legends of the tribe. The earlier medals issued for presentation
to the Indians of North America have become extremely rare from various
causes, chief among which was the change of government under which the
Indian may have been living, as each government was extremely zealous in
searching out all medals conferred by a previous one and substituting medals
of its own. Another cause has been that within recent years Indians took their
medals to the nearest silversmith to have them converted into gorgets and
amulets. After the Revolution the United States replaced the English medals
with its own, which led to the establishment of a regular series of Indian peace
medals. Many of the medals presented to the North American Indians were
not dated, and in many instances were struck for other purposes. Medals were
also given to the Indians by the fur companies, and by missionaries (these
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 181
they will reply, we have no others, give us American
flags and medals and you then will see them only. The
flags given to them ought to be made of silk, their Brit-
ish flags being made of that material, and besides they
are more durable as well as more portable than the
worsted ones. One of each nation should be of a large
size, for them to display at their villages on public occa-
sions: they have at present British flags considerably
larger than the American Army standards. The prac-
tice of painting these flags causes them to break and soon
wear out, they should be made in the same manner that
navy flags are.
The annuities paid by government to the Sauk and
Fox nations61 appears to be a cause of dissatisfaction
latter usually religious in character). — PAUL E. BECKWITH, in Handbook Amer.
Indians.
The article here cited contains a description, with several illustrations, of
the known Spanish, French, British, and United States medals given to In-
dians. — ED.
61 In Morse's Report is a table, occupying pages 376-382, 391, showing the
annuities paid (1820-1821) to every tribe in the United States. Some of these
were limited, but most of them were permanent; a few were granted to indi-
vidual chiefs. The total annual amount of these payments was $154,575,
representing a total capital of $2,876,250. Among the tribes receiving them
are the following: Piankeshaws, $50x5; Kaskaskias, $500; Six Nations (Iro-
quois), $4,500; Sauks, $600; Foxes, $400; Ottawas, $4,300; Chippewas, $3,800;
Miamis, $17,300; and to those on Eel River $1,100 more; Pottawatamies,
$57,666,6623; Weas, $3,000; Kickapoos, $4,000; Ottawas, Chippewas, and
Pottawatamies residing on the Illinois and Melwakee Rivers, etc., $1,000; the
remnant of the Illinois (five tribes), $300; Wyandots, $5,900, besides $825 paid
to them and to eastern tribes living with them. Besides these, a permanent
annuity of salt was paid to a number of western tribes. Another table (pages
383-390) gives an "estimate of the quantity of land that has been purchased
from the Indians," showing the amount sold by each tribe, with place and
date of treaty therefor, and remarks on these. The total amount of lands thus
acquired (1784-1821) is 191,998,776 acres, besides several tracts of "unknown"
extent. In vol. ix of the Forsyth Mss. is an account by Forsyth of the original
causes of the Black Hawk War, in which he relates the circumstances of the
alleged cession by the Sauk and Foxes of their lands by the treaty of 1804 at
St. Louis (an agreement which he pronounces worthless, as well as most
unjust) ; he thus mentions the annuities given them on account of it: "When
the annuities were delivered to the Sauk and Fox nations of Indians according
1 82 MAJOR MORRELL MARSTON
among them, in consequence of their not being able to
divide and subdivide the articles received so as to give
every one a part. I believe that powder, flints, and to-
bacco would be much more acceptable to them than the
blankets, strouding, etc., which they have been in the
habit of receiving.
I enclose a list of ten nations of Indians who inhabit
the upper Mifsifsippi [and] the borders of the great
lakes, showing the names given them by Europeans and
by each other. The latter information I have obtained
principally from the Indians themselves.62
I have the honor to remain with great respect your
Ob' Ser* M. MARSTON, Bl Maj. 5 Infy, Command'g,
To the REV. Dr MORSE, New Haven, Connecticut.
to the treaty (amounting to $1,000 per annum) the Indians always thought
that they were presents ( as the annuities of the first twenty years were always
paid in goods, sent on from George Town District of Columbia and poor sort
of merchandise they were [see note 289], very often damaged, and not suitable
for Indians) until I as their agent convinced them to the contrary in the
summer of 1818. When the Indians heard that the goods were delivered to
them as annuities, for lands sold by them to the United States, they were
astonished, and refused to accept the goods, denying that they ever sold the
land as stated by me." - ED.
62 This list is found in vol. ii of the Forsyth Papers in the Draper Col-
lection (pressmark "2,T") ; by some oversight in arranging the documents for
binding, it was separated from Marston's letter to Morse, which is found in
vol. i. The list of tribes is printed in the Report, 397. - ED.
An account of the Manners and Customs of
the Sauk and Fox Nations of
Indians Tradition
The original and present name of the Sauk Indians,
proceeds from the compound word Sakie alias, A-saw-
we-kee literally Yellow Earth.
The Fox Indians call themselves Mefs-qua-kee alias
Mefs-qua-we-kee literally Red Earth, thus it is natural
to suppose, that those two nations of Indians were once
one people, or part of some great nation of Indians, and
were called after some place or places where they then
resided, as yellow banks, and red banks, etc. Both the
Sauk and Fox Indians acknowledge, that they were once
Chipeways, but intestine quarrels, and wars which en-
sued separated one band or party from another, and all
became different in manners, customs and language.
The Sauk Indians, are more immediately related to the
Fox Indians than any other nation of Indians, whose
language bears an affinity to theirs, such as the Kica-
poos and Shawanoes to whom they (the Sauks and
Foxes) claim a relationship by adoption. The Kica-
poos and Shawanoes call the Sauk and Fox Indians their
Younger Brothers, the Sauks call the Foxes (and the
Foxes call them) their kindred.
The earliest tradition of a particular nature among
them, is the landing of the whites on the shores of the
Atlantic, somewheres about the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
The Sauk and Fox Indians have been at war formerly
1 84 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
with the Iroquois, and Wyandotts, 63 who drove the
Sauks up the St. Lawrence to the lakes, and the Foxes
up the Grand River, and at Green Bay they formed a
coalition and renewed their former relations to each
other, since then (in alliance with the Chipeways, Ot-
tawas, and Pottawatimies), they have been engaged in a
war with the Illinois Indians, which ended in their
final extermination: afterwards the Sauks and Foxes in
alliance with other nations of Indians, made war against
the Ofsage Indians, and on settlement of their differ-
ences they allied themselves to the Ofsage Indians,
against the Pawnee Indians, with whom in alliance with
the Of sages they had a severe fight in 1814 on the head
waters of the Arkansas River, where the Sauks lost the
Blue Chief who was then celebrated among them. Thro
the interference of the government that war was
quashed.
The Sauk and Fox Indians repeatedly told me that
from depredations continually committed on them by
the Sioux Indians of the interriour (the Yanctons and
Scifsitons [i.e., Sisseton] bands) they (the Sauk and
Fox Indians) thro the solicitations of their young men,
they commenced a war against the above mentioned
Sioux Indians in the Spring of the year 1822, but the
General Council held at Pirarie du Chiens in August
1825 put a final stop to that war, otherwise, not a Sioux
Indian would have been seen south of St. Peters River,
63 Up to 1650 the tribe called Tionontati (or by the French, Nation du
Petun, "Tobacco Nation," from their cultivation of and trade in tobacco) were
living in the mountains south of Nottawasaga Bay, on the eastern coast of
Lake Huron ; but they were then forced to abandon their country, by a sudden
murderous incursion of the Iroquois, and they fled to the region southwest of
Lake Superior. Eight years later they were with the Potawatomi near Green
Bay; soon afterward they joined the Hurons who also had been driven west-
ward by the Iroquois, and about 1670 both tribes were at Mackinaw, and
later in the vicinity of Detroit. From that time they were practically the same
people, and, thus blended, became known by the modernized name of Wyan-
dot- JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 185
in twelve months after the termination of that council.
Belts f Alliances, etc.
The wampum belts are woven together by thread
made of the deer's sinews, 64 the thread is pafsed through
each grain of wampum and the grains lay in the belt
parallel to each other, the Belts are of various sizes,
some more than two yds in length, if for peace or friend-
ship the Belts are composed solely of white grained
wampum, if for war, they are made of the blue grained
wampum painted red with vermillion, the greater the
size of the Belt, the more force of exprefsion is meant
by it to convey. In forming alliances other Belts are
made of white wampum interspersed with diamond like
figures of blue wampum, representing the various na-
tions with whom they are in alliance or friendship.65
64 "Sinew is the popular term for the tendonous animal fiber used by the
Indians as thread for sewing purposes" — not, as is commonly supposed, the
tendon from the legs, but the large tendon, about two feet in length, lying along
each side of the backbone of the buffalo, etc., just back of the neck joint.
"The tendons were stripped out and dried, and when thread was needed were
hammered to soften them and then shredded with an awl or a piece of flint.
Sometimes the tendon was stripped of long fibers as needed, and often the
tendons were shredded fine and twisted. . . Practically all the sewing of
skins for costume, bags, pouches, tents, boats, etc., was done with sinew, as
was embroidery with beads and quills." It was also used for bowstrings, and
to render the bow itself more elastic; also in feathering and pointing arrows,
and in making fishing lines, cords, etc. — WALTER HOUGH, in Handbook Amer.
Indians.
65 The early white explorers found everywhere among the natives shells,
or beads made from them, in use as currency, and for personal adornment;
and the English colonists adopted the name for this article that was current
among the New England Indians, "wampum," This term was afterward
extended to the glass or porcelain beads brought from Europe by traders. The
beads were strung upon cords or sinews, and when woven into plaits about as
broad as the hand formed "wampum belts;" these constituted practically the
official form of presents sent by one tribe or one village to another, and were
used in negotiating and in recording treaties. Wampum also was the mark
of a chiefs authority, and was sent with an envoy as his credentials. See
Holmes's account of beads, wampum, etc., in Report of Bureau of Amer. Eth-
nology, 1880-1881, 230-254; R. E. C. Stearns's "Ethno-Conchology," in Report
.[86 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
Government
The Sauk and Fox nations of Indians are governed
by hereditary chiefs, their power descending to the old-
est male of the family, which on refusal extends to the
brothers or nephews of the chief and so on thro the male
relations of the family. They have no war chiefs, any
individual of their nations may lead a party to war, if
he has enfluence to raise a party to redrefs any real or
supposed grievance.
The chiefs interfere and have the sole management in
all their national affairs, but they are enfluenced in a
great measure by their braves or principal men in mat-
ters of peace or war. The province of the chief is to
direct, the braves or warriors to act. The authority of
the chiefs is always supreme in peace or war. There are
no female chiefs among the Sauk and Fox nations of
Indians, a boy (if a chief) is introduced into the coun-
cils of the nation, accompanied by some older branch of
the family capable of giving him instructions. When
the chiefs direct the head or principal brave of the na-
tion to plant centinels for any particular purpose, if
they neglect their duty or fail to effect the purpose, they
are flogged with rods by the women publicly. There is
no such thing as a summary mode of coercing the pay-
ment of debts, all contracts are made on honor, for re-
drefs of civil injuries an appeal is made to the old people
of both parties and their determination is generally ac-
ceded to. In case of murder, it is determined by the
relations of the deceased, they say, that by killing the
murderer, it will not bring the dead to life, and it is
better to receive the presents offered by the relations of
the murderer than want them. Horses, merchandise
of U.S. Natl. Museum, 1887, 297-334; IngersolPs "Wampum and its History,"
in Amer. Naturalist, vol. xvii (1883), 467-479; Jesuit Relations, vol. viii,
312-314. - ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 187
and silver works sometimes to a very large amount are
given to the relations of a murdered person, and indeed
in some instances the murderer will marry or take to
wife the widow of the person whom he has killed.
Sometimes it may happen, that the relations of the
deceased will refuse to receive any thing for the lofs of
a murdered relation, the chiefs then interfere, who never
fail to settle the businefs. There is nothing that I know
of that an Indian may be guilty what is considered a
national offence, except aiding and afsisting their ene-
mies, such a person if taken in war is cut to pieces, such
things rarely happen.
The Sauk and Fox Indians are not thievish, they sel-
dom steal any thing from their traders, they sometimes
steal a few horses from a neighboring nation of Indians,
and formerly they used to steal many from the white
settlements and their excuse is always that they were in
want of a horse, and did not take all they seen. Steal-
ing horses from their enemies is accounted honorable,
the women will sometimes steal trifling articles of
drefs or ornament, the men very seldom. The traders
feel perfectly safe among them, so much so, that they
seldom or ever close their doors at night, but give them
free accefs to come in and go out at all hours day and
night. All questions relating to the nations are settled
in council by the Chiefs, and when it is necefsary that
the council must be a secret one, 66 the chiefs apply to the
principal brave for centinels, who must do their duty,
or they are punished by the women by stripes on their
bare backs. In all Indian Councils that I have seen and
heard of, the whole number of chiefs present must be
of the same opinion otherwise nothing is done.
66 "I never was at more than one secret council all the time I were among
the Indians, and it was strictly a secret council to all intents and purposes."
-T. FORSYTH.
1 88 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
Council Fire at Brownstown in Michigan Territory
It is hard for me to say at this late day where and when
the council fire originated, but I believe it to have origi-
nated immediately after the reduction of Canada by
the British. A similar one is supposed to have existed
on the Mohawk River at Sir William Johnston's place
of residence previous to our Revolution. The first
knowledge I have of it, is when it existed at old Chili-
cothe in the State of Ohios, and from the Indian war
that took place subsequently to the peace of 1783 the
council fire was by unanimous consent removed to Fort
Wayne thence afterwards to the foot of the rapids of the
Miamie River of the Lakes, where it remained until
1796 when it was removed to Brownstown where it now
is. The British in confederacy with the Shawanoes,
Delawars, Mingoes, Wyandots, Miamies, Chipeways,
Ottawas and Pottawatimies offensive and defensive are
the members of the council fire. The first nation of
Indians who joined were the Shawanoes and Delawars
and the other nations fell in or joined afterwards.
The British as head of the confederacy have a large
belt of white wampum of about six or eight inches wide
at the head of which is wrought in with blue grains of
a diamond shape, which means the British Nation: the
next diamond in the belt is the first Indian Nation who
joined in alliance with the British by drawing the belt
thro their hands at the council fire and so on, each nation
of the confederacy have their diamond in the belt, those
diamonds are all of the same size and are placed in the
belt at equal distances from each other. When any
businefs is to be done that concerns the confederacy it
must be done at this council fire where are afsembled
as many chiefs as can be conveniently collected. At any
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 189
meeting at this council fire,67 the British government is
always represented by their Indian Agent, and most
generally accompanied by a military officer, to represent
the soldiers or braves. By consent of the confederacy,
67 "In a conversation I had with General Clark previous to my giving him
a copy of this production, I told him about this council fire at Brownstown in
Michigan Territory: he observed 'no other agent but yourself knows anything
about this Council fire.' There is more besides that, that the Indian agents do
not know said I to him, and if I had included himself I would have done
right, for in Indian affairs he is a perfect ignoramus. But he is superintendant
and can do no wrong." — T. FORSYTH.
Early in the eighteenth century an alliance was formed by the Wyandotts,
Chippewa, Ottawas, and Potawatamies for their mutual protection against the
incursions of hostile western tribes; the French made a fifth party to this
alliance — which before many years fell through. About 1720 those four
tribes made an arrangement as to the respective territories which they were
to occupy — each tribe, however, to have the privilege of hunting in the terri-
tory of the others. The Wyandotts were made the keepers of the international
council-fire (a figurative expression, meaning their international archives),
and arbiters, in their general council, of important questions that concerned
the welfare of all the four tribes. "From that period might be dated the first
introduction of the wampum belt system, representing an agreement among the
four nations. The belt was left with the keepers of the council-fire. From
that time forward until the year 1812 (when the council-fire was removed from
Michigan to Canada) every wampum belt representing some international
compact was placed in the archives of the Wyandott nation. Each belt bore
some mark, denoting the nature of a covenant or contract entered into between
the parties, and the hidden contents of which was kept in the memory of the
chiefs." About 1842 part of the Wyandotts left Canada, to join their tribes-
men in Ohio, and with them remove to Kansas, to which territory they sent
(1843) their archives; but when these were desired (about 1864) by the
eastern Wyandotts it was found that most of the belts and documents were
dispersed and lost. The last general council of those tribes, at which the
belts were displayed and their contents recited, was held in Kansas in 1846.
Brownstown (later called by the whites Gibraltar) was thus named for a
noted chief of the Wyandotts, Adam Brown, who was captured in Virginia
by one of their scouting parties about 1755, and taken to their village near
Detroit; he was an English boy, then about eight years old. He was adopted
by a Wyandott family belonging to one of the ruling clans, and afterward
married a Wyandott woman ; he was finally made a chief, and was greatly
esteemed by that tribe, and died after the War of 1812. He was a compas-
sionate and honorable man, and never approved the attacks made by Indian
parties on the whites in their homes. See Origin and Traditional History of
the Wyandotts (Toronto, 1870), by Peter D. Clarke, himself a grandson of
Adam Brown. — ED.
igo THOMAS FORSYTE [Vol.
the Shawanoe nation were formerly the leading nation,
that is to say, the Shawanoes had the direction of the
wars that the parties might be engaged in, the power of
convening the allies, etc. Since the late war, the Chipe-
ways are at the head of those affairs and no doubt re-
ceive occasional lefsons from their British father. All
Indians in forming alliances with each other, select a
central spot to meet every two or three years, to com-
memorate and perpetuate, their alliances. It is very
well known that for many years an alliance has existed
between the Chipeways, Ottawas and Pottawatimies,
and their chiefs encourage intermarriages with each
other, for the purpose of linking themselves strongly
together, and at a future period to become one people.
These alliances are strictly attended to by all the parties
concerned, and should there be any neglect to visit the
council fire (by deputies or otherwise), to commemo-
rate their alliances, it is considered as trifling with their
allies. In 1806 or 7, the Chipeway, and Ottawa chiefs
sent a speech to the Pottawattimies Indians, saying that
for many years they had not sent deputies to the Island
of Mackinac to the council fire according to custom, and
if they declined sending deputies the ensuing summer,
their part of the council fire would be extinguished:
the Pottawatimies fearful of the consequences sent depu-
ties the following year to Mackinac which satisfied all
parties.
Names and Number of Tribes \i.e., clani\ among the
Sank Nation** of Indians
1 Na-ma-wuck or Sturgeon Tribe
2 Muc-kis-sou " Bald Eagle
3 Puc-ca-hum-mo-wuck Ringed Perch
68 The Sauk were a canoe people while they lived near the Great Lakes;
they practised agriculture on an extensive scale. "Despite their fixed abode
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 191
4
Mac-co. Pen-ny-ack or
Bear Potatoe
5
Kiche Cumme
Great Lake
6
Pay-shake-is-se-wuck
Deer
7
Pe-she-pe-she-wuck
Panther
8
Way-me-co-uck
Thunder
9
Muck-wuck
Bear
10
Me-se-co
Black Bafs
ii
A-ha-wuck
Swan
12
Muh-wha-wuck
Wolf
and villages they did not live a sedentary life altogether, for much of the time
they devoted to the chase, fishing, and hunting game almost the whole year
round. They were acquainted with wild rice, and hunted the buffalo; they
did not get into possession of the horse very much earlier than after the Black
Hawk War in 1832. . . Their abode was the bark house in warm weather,
and the oval flag-reed lodge in winter; the bark house was characteristic of
the village. Every gens had one large bark house wherein were celebrated
the festivals of the gens. In this lodge hung the sacred bundles of the gens, and
here dwelt the priests that watched over their keeping. It is said that some
of these lodges were the length of five fires. The ordinary bark dwelling had
but a single fire, which was at the center."
"In the days when the tribe was much larger there were numerous gentes.
It may be that as many as fourteen gentes are yet in existence. These are:
Trout, Sturgeon, Bass, Great Lynx or Water monster, Sea, Fox, Wolf, Bear,
Bear-Potato, Elk, Swan, Grouse, Eagle, and Thunder. It seems that at one
time there was a more rigid order of rank both socially and politically than
at present. For example, chiefs came from the Trout and Sturgeon gentes, and
war chiefs from the Fox gens ; and there were certain relationships of courtesy
between one gens and another, as when one acted the role of servants to another,
seen especially on the occasion of a gens ceremony."
These were two great social groups: Kishkoa and Oshkasha. "A person
entered into a group at birth, sometimes the father, sometimes the mother
determining the group into which the child was to enter. The division was
for emulation in all manner of contests, especially in athletics. The Sauk never
developed a soldier society with the same degree of success as did the Foxes,
but they did have a buffalo society; it is said that the first was due to con-
tact with the Sioux, and it is reasonable to suppose that the second was due
to influence also from the plains. There was a chief and a council. The chiefs
came from the Trout and Sturgeon gentes, and the council was an assembly of
all the warriors. Politically the chief was nothing more than figurehead, but
socially he occupied first place in the tribe. Furthermore, his person was held
sacred, and for that reason he was given royal homage." — WILLIAM JONES, in
Handbook Amer. Indians.
The sixth in Forsyth's list of Fox clans is called by Morgan Na-na-mi-
kew-uk (Ancient Society, 170). He also mentions the buffalo clan, Na-nus-
sus-so-uk, as among the Sauk and Foxes. — ED.
i92 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
Names and Number of Tribes among the Fox Nation
of Indians
1 Wah-go or Fox Tribe
2 Muc-qua Bear
3 Mow-whay Wolf
4 A-ha-wuck Swan
5 Puck-kee Partridge (drumming)
6 Ne-nee-me-kee Thunder
7 Me-sha-way Elk
8 As-she-gun-uck " Black Bafs
War and its Incidents
The warriours69 of the Sauk Nation of Indians are
divided into two bands or parties, one band or party is
called Kees-ko-qui or long hairs, the other is called
Osh-cush which means brave the former being con-
sidered something more than brave, and in 1819 each
party could number 400 men, now (1826) perhaps they
69 Among the aborigines there was no paid war force, organized police, or
body of men set aside for warfare; but all these duties rested in the tribe on
every able-bodied man, who from his youth had been trained in the use of
arms and taught to be always ready for the defense of home and the protection
of the women and children. "The methods of fighting were handed down by
tradition, and boys and young men gained their first knowledge of the war-
rior's tactics chiefly from experiences related about the winter fire." In the
lodge the young men were placed near the door where they would be first to
meet an attack by enemies. "There was however a class of men, warriors of
approved valor [called 'soldiers' by some writers], to whom were assigned
special duties, as that of keeping the tribe in order during the annual hunt or
at any great ceremonial where order was strictly to be enforced. . . In many
tribes warriors were members of a society in which there were orders and de-
grees. The youth entered the lowest, and gradually won promotion by his
acts. Each degree or order had its insignia, and there were certain public
duties to which it could be assigned. Every duty was performed without com-
pensation; honor was the only pay received. These societies were under the
control of war chiefs and exercised much influence in tribal affairs. In other
tribes war honors were won through the accomplishment of acts, all of which
were graded, each honor having its peculiar mark or ornament which the man
could wear after the right had been publicly accorded him. There were
generally six grades of honors. It was from the highest grade that the 'soldier'
spoken of above was taken." - ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians,
art. "Soldier."
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 193
can number 500 men each. The Kees-ko-quis or long
hairs are commanded by the hereditary brave of the
Sauk Nation named Keeocuck70 and whose standard is
red. The head man of the Osh-cushes is named Waa-
cal-la-qua-uc and his standard is blue : him and his party
are considered inferiour 'in rank to the other party.
Among the Sauk Indians every male child is clafsed in
one of the two parties abovementioned in the following
manner. The first male child born to a Kees-ko-qui, is
and belongs to the band or party of Kees-ko-quis. The
second male child (by the same father) is an Osh-cush,
70 Keeocuck is a sterling Indian and he is the hinge on which all the affairs
of the Sauk and Fox Indians turn on, he is a very smart man, his manners are
very prepossessing, his mother was a half breed, and much attached to white
people. Keeocuck is about 46 years old now in 1832. — T. FORSYTH.
Keokuk, the noted Sauk leader, was born on Rock River, 111., about 1780.
"He was not a chief by birth, but rose to the command of his people through
marked ability, force of character, and oratorical power. His mother is said
to have been half French." He was ambitious to become the foremost man in
his tribe, and by affability and diplomacy gradually attained great popularity
among them; he lost much of this prestige, however, by his passive attitude
regarding the St. Louis treaty of 1804, by which a small band of Sauk who
wintered near that post agreed to cede the Rock River country to the U.S.
government. The rest of the tribe refused to confirm this agreement, and part
of them decided to take up arms against its enforcement. Not finding Keokuk
favorable to this action, they turned to Black Hawk as their leader; and he
was forced to begin hostilities with a much smaller force than he had expected,
as Keokuk with his adherents joined the Foxes — whose union with the Sauk
had been already broken, largely through the intrigues of Keokuk. After the
war was over, Keokuk was made chief of the Sauk, an act which "has always
been regarded with ridicule by both the Sauk and the Foxes, for the reason that
he was not of the ruling clan. But the one great occasion for which both the
Sauk and the Foxes honor Keokuk was when, in the city of Washington, in
debate with the representatives of the Sioux and other tribes before govern-
ment officials, he established the claim of the Sauk and Foxes to the territory
comprised in what is now the state of Iowa. He based this claim primarily
on conquest." Keokuk died in 1848, in Kansas, after residing there three
years; in 1883 his remains were removed to Keokuk, Iowa, and a monument
was erected over his grave by the citizens of that town. His authority as chief
passed to his son, Moses Keokuk — a man of great ability, intellectual force,
eloquence, and strong character, who won high esteem from his tribe. He was
converted to the Christian faith, late in life; and died near Horton, Kans., in
1903. — WILLIAM JONES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
194 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
the third a Kees-ko-qui and so on. The first male child
of an Osh-cush is also an Osh-cush the second is a Kees-
ko-qui and so on as among the Kees-ko-qui's. When
the two bands or parties turn out to perform sham bat-
tles, ball playing, or any other diversion the Kees-ko-
quis paint or daub themselves all over their bodies with
white clay. The Osh-cushes black their bodies on same
occasions with charcoal. The Sauk and Fox Indians
have no mode of declaring war, if injured by another
nation they wait patiently for a deputation from the
nation who committed the injury, to come forward and
settle the businefs, as a Fox Chief told me some years
ago, "the Sioux Indians have killed of[f] our people
four different times, and according to our custom, it is
time for us to prepare for war, and we will do so, as we
see the Sioux chiefs will not come forward to settle
matters." Sometimes a nation of Indians may be at
peace with all others when they are invited by a neigh-
bouring nation to afsist them in a war, by promising
them a portion of the enemy's country they may conquer.
Young Indians are always fond of war, they hear the
old warriours boasting of their war exploits and it may
be said, that the principle of war is instilled into them
from their cradles, they therefore embrace the first op-
portunity to go to war even in company with strange
nations so that they may be able to proclaim at the
dance, I have killed such a person, etc. One or more
Indians of the same nation and village may at same time
fast, pray, consult their Munitos or Supernatural Agents
about going to war. The dreams they may have during
their fasting, praying, etc., determine every thing, as
they always relate in public the purport of their lucky
dreams to encourage the young Indians to join them.
Those Indians who prepare for war by dreams, etc.,
may be any common Indian in the nation, and if the
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 195
warriours believe in his dreams, etc., he is never at a
lofs for followers, that is to say, after a partizan is done
fasting, and praying to the great Spirit, and that he con-
tinues to have lucky dreams, he makes himself a lodge
detached from the village, where he has tobacco pre-
pared, and in this lodge a belt of blue wampum painted
red with vermillion, or a stripe of scarlet cloth hanging
up in his lodge, and each warriour who enters the lodge
smokes of the partizan's tobacco and draws the wampum
or scarlet cloth thro his hands, as much as to say, he is
enlisted in his service. If a nation of Indians or a vil-
lage are likely to be attacked, every one turns out for
the general defence.
Two or more partizans may join their parties together,
and may or may not divide when near the enemies' coun-
try. The businefs of the partizan is to shew his follow-
ers the enemy, and they are to act, the partizan may if
he pleases go into the fight. In going to war, the In-
dians always travel slowly, and stop to hunt occasionally,
where they deposit their jerked meat for their return,
in going off the partizan leads the party, carrying his
Mee-shome or medicine sack on his back, and on leav-
ing the village sings the She-go-dem or war song, i.e.
the partizan takes up his medicine sack and sings words
to the following effect: "We are going to war, we must
be brave, as the Great Spirit is with us." The warriours
respond by singing heugh! heugh! heugh! in quick time
dancing round the partizan. Sometimes a certain
place distant from the villages is appointed for the
party to rendevous at, in this case, every one as he de-
parts from his residence sings his war song, and on the
departure of the whole from the general rendevous, they
sing the She-go-dem or general war song as described
above.
The form of a war encampment is this, small forks
ig6 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
the size of a mans arm are planted in two rows about
five or six feet a part and about four feet out of the
ground, on which are laid small poles, these rows ex-
tend in length proportionate to the number of war-
riours, and the rows are about fifteen feet apart, thro the
center are other forks set up on which other poles are
placed, these forks are about six feet out of the ground,
and them with the poles are stoughter then the side forks
and poles. The warriours lay side by side with their
guns laying against the side poles if the weather is fair,
if wet they place them under their blankets.
The Indian who carries the kettle is the cook for the
party and when encamped the warriours must bring him
wood and water, furnish meat, etc., the cook divides the
vituals, and has the priviledge of keeping the best morsel
for himself. The partizan and warriours when prepar-
ing for war, are very abstemious, never eating while the
sun is to be seen, and also abstemious from the company
of women, after having accepted the wampum or scarlet
cloth before spoken of the[y] cease to cohabit with their
wives, and they consider the contrary a sacrilidge. A
woman may go to war with her husband, but must cease
during the period to have any connection. Before mak-
ing an attack they send forward some of their smartest
young men as spies, the attack is generally made a little
before day light, the great object is to surprise, if de-
feated, every one makes the best of his way home stop-
ping and taking some of the meat jerked and burried on
the way out. If a party is victorious the person who
killed the first of the enemy heads the party back, by
marching in front, the prisoners in the center and the
partizan in the rear. On the arrival of a victorious
party of Indians at their village they dance round their
prisoners by way of triumph after which the prisoners
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 197
are disposed of: elderly prisoners are generally killed
on the way home, and their spirits sent as an atonement
to that of their deceased friends. Young persons taken
in war are generally adopted by the father or nearest
relation of any deceased warriour who fell in the battle
or child who died a natural death and when so adopted,
are considered the representatives of the dead, prison-
ers who are slaves are bought and sold as such. When
they grow up the males are encouraged by the young
men of the nation they live with, to go to war, if they
consent and kill one of the enemy the slave changes his
name and becomes a freeman to all intents and purposes.
The female slaves are generally taken as concubines to
their owners and their offspring if any are considered
legal.
Sometimes an owner will marry his female slave, in
that case, she becomes a f reewoman, but whether a slave
or free, the Sauks and Fox Indians treat their prisoners
with greatest humanity, if they have the luck to get to
the village alive, they are safe and their persons are con-
sidered sacred. I never heard except in the war with
the Ninneways71 of the Sauk or Fox Indians burning
any of their prisoners, and they say, that the Ninneways
commenced first, I remember to have heard sometime
since of a Sauk Indian dying and leaving behind him a
favorite male slave, the relations of the deceased killed
the slave so that his spirit might serve on the spirit of his
deceased master in the other world. The young Sauk
and Fox Indians generally go to war about the age of
from 1 6 to 18 and some few instances as young as 15
and by the time they are 40 or 45 they become stiff from
the hardships they have encountered in hunting and
71 Ninneways so called by the Sauk, Fox, Chipeway, Ottawa, and Potta-
watimie Indians: but they called themselves Linneway, i.e., men from which
comes the word Illinois. - T. FORSYTH.
i98 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
war, they are apt at that age to have young men sons or
sons-in-law to provide for them: they pals the latter
part of their days in peace (except the village is at-
tacked). A good hunter and warriour will meet with
no difficulty in procuring a wife in one of the first fam-
ilies in the nation. I know a half-breed now living
among the Sauk Indians who had the three sisters for
wives, they were the daughters of the principal chief of
the Nation. I have always observed that the half-breeds
raised among the Indians are generally resolute, re-
markably brave and respectable in the nation.72 The
case that leads to war are many: the want of territory
to hunt, depredations committed by one nation against
another, and also the young Indians to raise their names,
will make war against their neighbors without any cause
whatever. The Sauk and Fox Indians have for many
years back wished much for a war with the Pawnees
who reside on the heads of the River Platte, they know
that country is full of game and they don't fear the other
72 "It has long been an adage that the mixed-blood is a moral degenerate,
exhibiting few or none of the virtues of either, but all the vices of both of the
parent stocks. In various parts of the country there are many mixed-bloods
of undoubted ability and of high moral standing, and there is no evidence to
prove that the low moral status of the average mixed-blood of the frontier is
a necessary result of mixture of blood, but there is much to indicate that it
arises chiefly from his unfortunate environment. The mixed-blood often finds
little favor with either race, while his superior education and advantages, de-
rived from association with the whites, enable him to outstrip his Indian
brother in the pursuit of either good or evil. Absorption into the dominant race
is likely to be the fate of the Indian, and there is no reason to fear that when
freed from his environment the mixed-blood will not win an honorable social,
industrial, and political place in the national life. — HENRY W. HENSHAW,
in Handbook Amer. Indians ', art. "Popular fallacies."
In the Forsyth Mss., vol. ii, doc. 7 (pressmark "2X7") is a list of the Sauk
and Fox half-breeds claiming land according to the treaty made at Washington,
Aug. 4, 1824. It contains thirty-eight names. Another and similar list (doc. 8)
gives thirty-one names, and fourteen others which are considered doubtful.
Among the (presumably) rightful claimants appears Maurice Blondeau, men-
tioned in note 49. — ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 199
nations who live in the way such as the Ottos, T3 Mahas,
and Kansez, they don't consider them formidable. The
Sauk and Fox Indians would long ago have made war
against the Pawnees if they thought the United States
government would allow them, they are well acquainted
with the geography of the country west as far as the
mountains, also the country south of the Mifsouri River
as far as Red River which falls into the Mifsifsippi
River down below. 7* More than a century ago all the
country commencing above Rocky River and running
down the Mifsifsippi to the mouth of Ohio up that
river to the mouth of the Wabash, thence to Fort Wayne
73 The traditions of the Siouan tribe called Oto-who resided on the Mis-
souri and Platte Rivers successively, and went to Indian Territory in 1880-
1882 — relate that before the arrival of the white people they dwelt about the
Great Lakes, under the name of Hotonga ("fish-eaters") ; migrating to the
southwest, in pursuit of buffalo, they reached Green Bay, where they divided.
A part of them remained there, and were called by the whites Winnebago;
another band halted at the mouth of Iowa River, and formed the Iowa tribe;
and the rest traveled to the Missouri River, at the mouth of the Grand, after-
ward moving farther up the Missouri, in two bands, called respectively
Missouri and Oto. Information to this effect was given to Major Long and to
Prince Maximilian when they visited these people. In 1880-1882, they re-
moved to Indian Territory. — Handbook Amer. Indians.
74 The Arctic peoples, and the Algonquian tribes of northern Canada were
able to travel rapidly and for long distances on account of their using dogs
and sleds for this purpose; but the tribes south of them were obliged to travel
on foot until the Spaniards introduced the horse. These peoples, however,
accomplished long and remote journeys, often in the midst of great hardships,
in which they often showed phenomenal speed and endurance. It is probable
that they first made their trails in the search for food, for which purpose they
needed only to follow those already made by the wild animals, especially the
buffalo. "The portages across country between the watersheds of the different
rivers became beaten paths. The Athapascan Indians were noted travelers;
so also were the Siouan and other tribes of the great plains, and to a smaller
degree the Muskhogean; while the Algonquian tribes journeyed from the ex-
treme east of the United States to Idaho and Montana in the west, and from
the headwaters of the Saskatchewan almost to New Orleans. Evidences of
such movements are found in the ancient graves, as copper from Lake Mich-
igan, shells from the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, and stone imple-
ments from various quarters. Pipes of catlinite are widely distributed in the
graves and mounds. These articles show* that active trade was going on over
200 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
on the Miamie River, of the lakes down that river some
distance, thence north to St. Joseph and Chicago also
all the country lying south of River de Moine down
(perhaps) to Mifsouri River was inhabited by a nu-
merous nation of Indians who called themselves Linne-
way and called by other Indians, Ninneway (literally
men) this great nation of Indians were divided into
several bands and inhabited different parts of an exten-
sive country as follows. The Michigamians, the coun-
try south of River de Moine ; the Cahokians, the country
east of the present Cahokia in the state of Illinois; the
Kaskaskias, east of the present Kaskaskia; the Tamorois
had their village near St. Phillip, nearly central be-
a wide region. There is good evidence that the men engaged in this trade
had certain immunities and privileges. They were free from attack, and were
allowed to go from one tribe to another unimpeded." — O. T. MASON, in Hand-
book Amer. Indians.
There is much evidence that from far prehistoric times the Indians were
familiar with vast regions of territory besides these of their own abode, and
made long journeys over well-defined routes of travel. The great river-systems
of the continent, whose headwaters often interlocked together, and their nu-
merous tributaries furnished the easiest routes in the extensive forest regions
of the north and east, which were penetrated by canoes or dugouts; on the
plains and prairies well-worn trails still remain to indicate the lines of aborigi-
nal travel and trade. These paths also existed along or between the river
routes, many of them originally made by the tracks of deer or buffalo in their
seasonal migrations or in search of water or salt. These same early trails
(which generally followed the lines of least natural resistance) have since been
utilized in many cases by the whites as lines for highways and railroads.
"The white man, whether hunter, trader, or settler, blazed the trees along the
Indian trails in order that seasonal changes might not mislead him should he
return." — J. D. McGuiRE, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
It is remarkable how the old plainsmen who laid out the Santa Fe trail
across the State of Kansas and on into New Mexico, were able to follow the
grades so well and get such a straight road. They simply used their eyes, for
in those days there were no engineers on the western plains. "We tried to best
it with our own engineering," W. B. Strang said, "but we finally ended by
following the old trail made by the wheels of the wagon trains. Eleven times
our engineers surveyed other lines, but they finally concluded that the grades
made by the men without the knowledge of mathematics fifty years ago were
the most practical, and hence we are keeping very near the old Santa Fe trail
in the building of our line to the west from Kansas City." — Chicago Record-
Herald, Jan. 2, 1910.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 201
tween Cahokia and Kaskaskia; the Piankishaws, near
Vincennes; the Weahs up the Wabash; the Miamies, on
the head waters of the Wabash and Miamie of the lakes,
on St. Joseph River and also at Chicago; the Pianki-
shaws, Weah, and Miamies must have hunted in those
days south towards and on the banks of the Ohio River.
The Peorias (being another band of the same nation)
lived and hunted on Illinois River: also the Masco or
Mascotins called by the French Gens des Pirarie lived
and hunted in the great Piraries lying between the Illi-
nois River and the Wabash. All those different bands
of the Ninneway Nation spoke the language of the pres-
ent Miamies, and the whole considered themselves as
one and the same people, yet from the local situation of
the different bands and having no standard to go by,
their language afsumed different dialects, as at present
exists among the different bands of the Sioux and Chipe-
way Indians. Those Indians (the Ninneways) were
attacked by a general confederacy of other nations of
Indians such as the Sauks and Foxes who then resided
at or near Green Bay and on Ouisconsin River, the
Sioux Indians whose frontiers extended south and on
the River des Moine, the Chipeways and Ottawas from
the lakes and the Pottawatimies from Detroit as also
the Cherrokees, Chickashaws and Chactaws from the
south. This war continued for a great many years, un-
til that great nation (the Ninneways) were destroyed
except a few Miamies and Weahs on the Wabash and a
few who are now s[c]attered among strangers. Of the
Kaskaskia Indians from their wars, their great fondnefs
for spirituous liquor and frequent killing each other
in drunken frolics, there remains but a few of them say 30
or 40 souls, of the Peorias near St. Geneveve about 10 or
15 souls, of the Piankishaws 40 or 50 souls. The Mi-
amies are the most numerous band. They did a few
202 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
years ago consist of about 400 souls, they don't exceed
in my opinion at the present day more than 500 souls of
the once great Ninneway Nation of Indians. Those
Indians (the Ninneways) were said to be very cruel to
their prisoners, they used to burn them, and I have
heard of a certain family among the Miamies who were
called man eaters 7S as they always made a feast of human
flesh when a prisoner was killed, that being part of their
duty so to do.
From enormities, the Sauk and Fox Indians, when
they took any of the Ninneways, they give them up to
the women to be buffeted to death. They speak of the
Mascota or Mascotins at this day with abhorance for
their cruelties. In the history of the Sauks and Foxes,
they speak of a severe battle having been fought oppo-
site the mouth of Ihowai River, about 50 or 60 miles
below the mouth of Rocky River.
The Sauk and Fox Indians descended the Mifsif-
sippi River in canoes, from their villages on Ouisconsin
River, and landed at the place abovementioned, and
started east towards the enemy's country, they had not
gone far, before, they were attacked by a party of Mas-
cota or Mascotins, the battle continued nearly all day,
the Sauks and Foxes gave way for want of amunition,
and fled to their canoes. The Mascotins pursued, fought
desperately and left but few of the Sauks and Foxes to
return home to tell the story. The Sauk Indians at-
75 Cf. this interesting allusion to cannibalism among the Malays in early
times, referring to the islands of Samar and Leyte in the Philippines (cited in
Blair and Robertson's Philippine Islands, vol. Hi, 331) : "In almost every large
village there are one or more families of Asuans, who are universally feared
and avoided, and treated as outcasts, and who can marry only among their
own number; they have the reputation of being cannibals. Are they perhaps
descended from men-eaters? The belief is very general and deeply rooted.
When questioned about this, old and intelligent Indians answered that certainly
they did not believe that the Asuans now ate human flesh, but that their fore-
fathers had without doubt done this." _ ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 203
tacked a small village of Peorias about 40 or 50 years
ago, this village was about a mile below Sl Louis, and
has been said by the Sauks themselves that they were
defeated in that affair. At a place on the Illinois River
called the Little Rock there were killed by the Chipe-
ways and Ottowas a great number of men, women and
children of the Ninneway Indians. In 1800 the Kicka-
poos made a great slaughter among the Kaskaskia In-
dians. The celebrated Main Poque76 the Pottawatimie
jugler in 1801 killed a great many of the Piankishaws
on the Wabash. It does not appear that the Kicapoos
entered into the war against the Ninneway Indians
76 In vol. iv of the Forsyth Papers ("Letter-book, 1814-1827") is a sketch
(evidently composed by Forsyth) of the Potawatomi chief Main Poque — a
name, probably the French translation of his Indian name, meaning "swelled
hand," doubtless in allusion to his left hand, which at his birth was destitute
of fingers and thumb. "He used much to impose on the Indians by telling
them that it was a mark set on him by the Great Spirit, to know him from
other Indians when they met." He was a great orator, few surpassing him
in eloquence. His father's standing as head military chief in the tribe gave
prestige to the son, who added to this his own renown as a warrior. Thus
Main Poque gained great influence among not only his own tribe, but the
Sauk, Foxes, and others. He was in the habit of retiring alone into the woods
for several days at a time, on his return home professing to have held conver-
sations with the Great Spirit, on certain plans which he would propose to the
tribe. It was rumored that this man had obtained arsenic from the whites, and
had used it to cause the deaths of some persons in his tribe; and "at one time
the Indians dreaded him as if he was a real deity, and thought his word was
sufficient to destroy any or the whole of them. Indians have told me that the
Main Poque was not born of a woman, that he was got by the Great Spirit
and sprung out of the ground, and that the Great Spirit marked him in con-
sequence" (alluding to his hand). They thought he was invulnerable to all
weapons; and when he was wounded in a fight with the Osages (1810) his
people said that it was done by "a gun that must have been made by some great
Munito," and regarded the weapon with superstitious reverence. Main Poque
was immoderately fond of spirituous liquor, and a confirmed drunkard, also very
licentious ; he always had three wives, and at one time had six. "He died last
summer (1816) at a place called the Manesti [Manistique?] on Lake Mich-
igan." He left two sons and three daughters, and five or six grandchildren.
"His youngest son is a perfect Ideot, and his oldest son may redily be called a
thick headed fool. . . The Main Poque may be considered as having been
a bad Indian and it is of service to the whites and Indians that he is out of
the way."- ED.
204 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
untill after they (the Kicapoo Indians) left the Wabash
River which is now about 50 or 60 years ago and made
war against the band of Kaskaskias. I do not mean to
say that all the Kicapoos left the Wabash at the same
time above mentioned as Joseph L'Reynard and a few
followers never would consent to leave the Wabash, and
go into the Piraries, and it is well known that he directed
that after his death that his body must be burried in a
Coal Bank on the Wabash, so that if the Kicapoos sold
the lands after his death, they would also sell his body,
and their flesh, such was his antipathy to sell any land.
Peace
I never heard of any peace having been made between
two nations of Indians (when war had properly com-
menced) except when the government of the United
States interfered, and that the Indians were within
reach of the power of the United States to compel them
to keep quiet, for when war once commenced, it alwavs
led to the final extermination of one or the other of the
parties.
Some years ago a war commenced between the Sauk
and Fox Indians against the Ofsage Indians. The Sauks
and Foxes being a very politic and cunning people,
managed matters so well, that they procured the afsist-
ance of the Ihowais, Kicapoos, and Pottawatimies
headed by the celebrated Main Poque, and in pafsing
by the Sauk village on Rocky River in one of his war
expeditions he was joined by upwards of one hundred
Sauk Indians, this happened in 1810, the government
interfering, put a final stop to the war, otherwise before
this there can be no doubt the whole of the Ofsages
would have been driven beyond reach, as some of the
Chipeways and Ottawa Indians accompanied the Main
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 205
Poque. This confederacy, would have gained strength
daily. It is true we hear of belts of wampum and pipes
accompanied with presents in merchandise as peace of-
ferings sent with conciliatory talks to make peace, but
such a peace is seldom or never better than an armistice,
witnefs the Sioux and Chipeway Indians, they have been
at war for the last 60 or 80 years, the British government
thro their agents, General Pike77 when he traveled to
the heads of the Mifsifsippi River and last year (1825)
the United States Commifsioners at Pirarie des Chiens
made peace (apparently) between the Sioux and Chipe-
way Indians but the war is going on as usual, the reason
is because those nations are out of reach of the power of
the United States. The Ihowai Indians, sent a depu-
tation of their people some years ago, to the Sioux In-
dians, to ask for peace, the Mefsengers were all killed
and the war continued untill a general peace took place
at Pirarie des Chiens last year ( 1825) . In the summer
of 1821 I advised the Sauk and Fox Indians to make
peace with the Otto and Maha Indians living on the
Mifsouri River, they took my advise and the winter fol-
lowing they sent Mefsengers to the Council Bluffs with
a letter from me to the Indian Agent at that post, the
Sauk and Fox Mefsengers proceeded on to the Otto and
Maha villages where they made peace and mutual pres-
ents took place among them to the satisfaction of all
parties. I know of no armorial bearings among the
Sauk and Fox Indians, except Standards of White and
Red feathers, they have flags American and British
which they display at certain ceremonies.
77 Referring to Zebulon M. Pike who made in 1805-1806 an expedition to
the headwaters of the Mississippi. In September, 1805, he made a treaty of
peace between the Sioux and the Chippewa tribes. He published (Phila., 1810),
a narrative of that expedition. — ED.
206 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
Death and its Incidents
When an Indian is sick and finds he is going to die,
he may direct the place and manner of his interment,
his request is religeously performed. The Sauk and Fox
Indians bury their dead in the ground and sometimes
have them transported many miles to a particular place
of interment. The grave is dug similar to that of white
people, but not so deep, and a little bark answers for a
coffin, the body, is generally carried to the grave by old
women, howling at intervals most pitiously. Previous
to closing the grave one or more Indians who attend the
funeral will make a motion with a stick or war-club
called by the Indians Puc-ca-maw-gun speaking in an
audible voice, "I have killed so many men in war, I
give their spirits to my deceased friend who lies there
(pointing to the body) to serve him as slaves in the other
world." After which the grave is filled up with earth,
and in a day or two afterwards a kind of cabin is made
over the grave with split boards something like the roof
of a house, if the deceased was a brave a post is planted
at the head of the grave, on which is painted with ver-
million the number of scalps and prisoners he had taken
in war, distinguishing the sexes in a rude manner of
painting peculiar to themselves. The Indians bury their
dead as soon as the body becomes cold, after the death
of an adult all the property78 of the deceased is given
78 "Broadly speaking, Indian property was personal. Clothing was owned
by the wearer, whether man, woman, or child. Weapons and ceremonial para-
phernalia belonged to the man; the implements used in cultivating the soil, in
preparing food, dressing skins, and making garments and tent covers, and
among the Eskimo the lamp, belonged to the women. In many tribes all raw
materials, as meat, corn, and, before the advent of traders, pelts, were also her
property. . . Communal dwellings were the property of the kinship group,
but individual houses were built and owned by the woman. While the land
claimed by a tribe, often covering a wide area, was common to all its members
and the entire territory was defended against intruders, yet individual occu-
pancy of garden patches was respected. . . The right of a family to gather
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 207
away to the relations of the deceased and the widow or
widower returns to his or her nearest relations, if a
widow is not too old, after she is done mourning, she is
compelled to become the wife of her deceased husband's
brother, if he wishes. Sometimes an Indian will take
the wife of his deceased brother, and dismifs his other
wife or wives from all obligations to him, or he may
keep them all. Many may mourn for the lofs of a rela-
spontaneous growth from a certain locality was recognized, and the harvest ,
became the personal property of the gatherers. For instance, among the Me-
nominee a family would mark off a section by twisting in a peculiar knot the
stalks of wild rice growing along the edge of the section chosen; this knotted
mark would be respected by all members of the tribe, and the family could
take its own time for gathering the crop. . . Names were sometimes the
property of clans. Those bestowed on the individual members, and, as on the
N.W. coast, those given to canoes and houses, were owned by 'families.' Prop-
erty marks were placed upon weapons and implements by the Eskimo and by
the Indian tribes. A hunter established his claim to an animal by his per-
sonal mark upon the arrow which inflicted the fatal wound. Among both the
Indians and the Eskimo it was customary to bury with the dead those articles
which were the personal property of the deceased, either man or woman. In
some of the tribes the distribution of all the property of the dead, including the
dwelling, formed part of the funeral ceremonies. There was another class of
property, composed of arts, trades, cults, rituals, and ritual songs, in which
ownership was as well defined as in the more material things. For instance,
the right to practise tattooing belonged to certain men in the tribe; the right
to say or sing rituals and ritual songs had to be purchased from their owner
or keeper. . . The shrine and sacred articles of the clan were usually in
charge of hereditary keepers, and were the property of the clan. . . The
accumulation of property in robes, garments, regalia, vessels, utensils, ponies,
and the like, was important to one who aimed at leadership. To acquire
property a man must be a skilful hunter and an industrious worker, and must
have an able following of relatives, men and women, to make the required
articles. All ceremonies, tribal festivities, public functions, and entertainment
of visitors necessitated large contributions of food and gifts, and the men who
could meet these demands became the recipients of tribal honors. Property
rights in harvest fields obtained among the tribes subsisting mainly on maize
or on wild rice. Among the Chippewa the right in wild rice lands was not
based on tribal allotment, but on occupancy. Certain harvest fields were
habitually visited by families that eventually took up their temporary or per-
manent abode at or near the fields; no one disputed their ownership, unless an
enemy from another tribe, in which case might established right. Among the
Potawatomi, according to Jenks, the people 'always divide everything when
want comes to the door.' " — ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
208 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
tion but the widows are always the principal mourners,
they are really sincere, they are to be seen all in rags,
their hair disheveled, and a spot of black made with
charcoal on the cheeks, their countenance dejected,
never seen to smile but appears always pensive, seldom
give loose to their tears unlefs it is alone in the woods,
where they are out of the hearing of any person, there
they retire at intervals and cry very loud for about fif-
teen minutes, they return to their lodges quite composed.
When the[y] cease from mourning which is generally
at the suggestion of their friends, they wash themselves
put on their best clothes and ornaments, and paint red.
I have heard Indians say, that, the spirit of a deceased
person, hovers about the village or lodge for a few days,
then takes its flight to the land of repose. 79
79 The aboriginal ideas relating to the soul are based on various mental
processes: concepts of life and the power of action; the phenomena of the will:
the power of imagery, which produces impressions both subjective and objective,
as in memory images, the conceptions of fancy, dreams, and hallucinations.
All these "lead to the belief in souls separate from the body, often in human
form, and continuing to exist after death. The lack of tangibility of the soul
has led everywhere among Indians to the belief that it is visible to shamans
only, or at least that it is like a shadow (Algonquiaa), like an unsubstantial
image (Eskimo)," etc. Almost everywhere the soul of the dead is identified
with the owl. "The beliefs relating to the soul's existence after death are very
uniform, not only in North America but all over the world. The souls live in
the land of the dead in the form that they had in life and continue their former
occupations. Detailed descriptions of the land of the dead are found among
almost all American tribes. . . The most common notion is that of the
world of the ghosts lying in the distant west beyond a river which must be
crossed by canoe. This notion is found on the western plateaus and on the
plains. The Algoiiquians believe that the brother of the Culture Hero lives
with the souls of the dead. Visits to the world of the dead by people who have
been in a trance are one of the common elements of American folk-lore. They
have been reported from almost all over the continent." — FRANZ BOAS, in
Handbook Amer. Indians.
The Indians certainly believe in a future life, but their ideas of its nature
and location were vague and undefined. "Nor does it appear that belief in a
future life had any marked influence on the daily life and conduct of the
individual. The American Indian seems not to have evolved the idea of hell
and future punishment." — HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians,
art. "Popular fallacies."
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 209
The spirit on its way arrives at a very extensive Pi-
rarie, over which they see the woods at a great distance
appearing like a blue cloud, the spirit must travel over
the Pirarie and when arrived at the further border, the
Pirarie and woodland are separated by a deep and rapid
stream of water, acrofs this stream is a pole which is
continually in motion by the rapidity of the water, the
spirit must attempt to crofs on the pole, if he or she has
been a good person in this world, the spirit will get safe
over and will find all of his or her good relations who
died formerly. In those woods are all kinds of game in
plenty, and there the spirits of the good live in everlast-
ing happinefs, if on the contrary, the person has done
bad in this life, his or her spirit will fall off the pole into
the water, the current of which will carry the spirit to
the residence of the evil spirit, where it will remain
for ever in indigence and extreame mifsery. If con-
venient, the graves of deceased Indians are often visited,
they hoe away the grafs all about and sweep it clean,
and place a little vituals occasionally with some to-
bacco near the grave. All Indians are very fond of their
children and a sick Indian is loth to leave this world if
his children are young, but if grown up and married
they know they are a burden to their children and don't
care how soon they die. An Indian taken prisoner in
war, or so surrounded by his enemies that he cannot es-
cape, or that he is to suffer for murder, he will smile in
the face of death, and if an opportunity offers he will
sell his life dear. In burying Indians they place all
their ornaments of the deceased, sometimes his gun and
other implements for hunting, also some tobacco in his
grave, paint and drefs the dead body as well as pofsible
previous to interment.
210 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
Birth and its Incidents
A couple marrying the offspring belong to the tribe
of the father, therefore are named from some particular
thing or incident that has relation to the name of the
tribe: for example, if the man belongs to the Bear Tribe,
he takes the name of the child from some part of the
bear, or the bear itself. A few days after a child is born
and some of the old relations of the father or mother's
side are near, the mother of the child gives a feast and
inviting a few of her or her husband's oldest relations,
she having previously hinted to some or all of them the
nature of the feast, one of the oldest relations gets up
while the others are sitting on the ground in a ring with
a dish containing some vituals before each person (the
mother and child being present but do not taste of the
feast) and makes a speech to the following purport.
"We have gathered together here to day in the sight of
the Great Spirit, to give that child a name ; we hope the
Great Spirit will take pity on our young relation (if a
male) make him a good hunter and warriour and a man
of good cense, etc. (if a female) that she may make an
industrious woman, etc., and we name him or her."
This name cannot be changed untill he goes to war,
when an Indian commonly changes his name from some
fete [i.e., feat] in war, which has no analogy to the
tribe he belongs to. A female after marriage may
change her name, perhaps a dream may occasion a
woman to change her name or some incident that has
happened may do so. An Indian may change his name
half a dozen times without being to war more than once,
an Indian who has been to war and returns home after
travelling towards the enemy's country for a few days,
may change his name, and very often in changing their
names, take the name of one of their ancestors so that
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 211
those names may be handed down to posterity. I know
a Fox Indian whose name is Muc-co-pawm which is in
English language Bear's Thigh or ham, he belongs to
the Bear Tribe. A Sauk Indian named Muc-it-tay
Mish-she-ka-kake in English the Black Hawk,80 he
belongs to the Eagle Tribe. Wab-be-we-sian or White
hair (of an animal) belongs to the Deer Tribe.
80 Black Hawk was a subordinate chief in the Sauk tribe, and noted as the
leader in the war of 1832 which is named for him; was born in 1767, in the
Sauk village at the mouth of Rock River, 111. This name is the English trans-
lation of his Sauk name, Ma'katawimesheka'ka*. From the age of fifteen years
he was distinguished as a warrior; and while still a young man he led expe-
ditions against the Osage and Cherokee tribes, usually successful. In the War
of 1812 he fought for the British, and after that war he was the leader of those
among his tribesmen who preferred British to American affiliations. When
the tide of American migration pushed into the old territory of the Sauk and
Foxes (which had been surrendered to the Federal government by the treaty
of 1804) part of those tribes, under the chief Keokuk, moved across the Missis-
sippi into Iowa; but Black Hawk refused to leave, saying that he had been
deceived in signing that treaty. "At the same time he entered into negotiations
with the Winnebago, Potawatomi, and Kickapoo to enlist them in concerted
opposition to the aggressions of the whites." Open hostilities ensued, lasting
from April to August, 1832, being ended by the capture of Black Hawk; he
was confined for a time at Fortress Monroe, and finally settled on the Des
Moines River, where he died on October 8, 1838. — JOHN R. SWANTON, in Hand-
book Amer. Indians.
For particulars of his life and of the "Black Hawk War" see Wis. Hist.
Colls., vols. i, iv, v, x, xii; also Forsyth's own account (Forsyth Mss., vol. ix),
"Original causes of the troubles with a party of Sauk and Fox Indians under
the direction or command of the Black Hawk who is no chief." He says that
the treaty of 1804 was signed only by two Sauk chiefs, one Fox chief, and one
warrior; and that those tribes were not consulted and knew nothing about it
(see note 291). Squatters came upon their lands, and robbed and abused the
Indians, besides selling them whisky, regardless of the objections made to this
by the chiefs, especially Black Hawk. They were not allowed to hunt on the
lands alleged to have been ceded by them to the government, although this
privilege was granted to them by the treaty of 1804. In 1830 they decided to
remove to their lands in Iowa, and Forsyth (at their own request) asked for
certain action on this by Gen. Clark, who paid no attention to the matter —
neglect which Forsyth blames as causing the later hostilities with Black Hawk.
He praises that leader as always a friend to the whites, and says that when he
came back to Illinois in 1832 with his people he had no intention of fighting,
and did so only because they were first attacked by the whites and naturally
undertook to defend themselves. — ED.
212 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
The Eagle Tribe have a peculiar monumental way
of designating their dead from others by placing the
trunk of a fallen tree at the head of their graves, with the
roots upwards. The other tribes have also a peculiar
way of marking their graves but I am not acquainted in
what manner. All Indians that I am acquainted with
are always unwilling to tell their names except when
immediate necefsity require it before many people, if
you ask an Indian what his name is, he will not answer
you, some other Indian present will generally answer
for him : it is considered impolite to ask an Indian his
name promptly: in speaking of an Indian not present,
his name is mentioned, but if present the Indians will
say, him, that man. If a few old acquaintances meet,
they call one another comrade, uncle, nephew, brave,
etc. Children while young are altogether under the
guidance of their mothers, they seldom or ever whip
their children particularly the boys. The mother re-
ports to their children all the information she pofsefses
relating to any great event that she recollects or has
heard of. When a boy grows up to be able to hunt they
follow their father a hunting, he shews them the differ-
ent tracks of animals, and the art of hunting different
animals, and the mode of preparing the medicine for
the Beaver Traps and how to apply it, etc.
A female always keeps close to her mother until she
gets married who teaches her how to make mocosins,
drefs skins, make or construct a lodge, etc. Males after
marriage or being once to war are considered men, yet
if a young Indian has to serve for a wife, he has nothing
to say in the disposial of his hunt until after the birth of
the first child, after which he considers himself his own
master, and master of his wife. In delivering to the In-
dians annuities or presents for the whole it is divided
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 213
among the poorer clafs of the Indians, the chief and
braves seldom keep any of the annuities or presents for
themselves. Old people are a very great incumbrance
to their relations except the[y] live exclusively on the
bank of rivers or creeks, where they may be easily trans-
ported in canoes. A great many of the old people of the
Sauk and Fox Indians may be seen pafsing the winter
on the banks of the Mifsifsippi, they live on corn, pump-
kins and such other provision as a boy or two can pro-
cure such as wild fowl, raccoons, etc. They are very
indigent in the absence of their relations in the interiour
of the country yet never complain. All adopted chil-
dren are treated as real children and considered in same
light, it is often the case, a man may adopt his nephew
whom he calls his son, and the nephew calls the uncle
father. All young Indian children are tied up in an
Indian cradle, I know of no difference made between
the children untill the boys begin to hunt, then the
mother shews a preference to the best hunter or the
oldest (as it generally happens that they are all hunters
in time) in giving them good leggins, mocosins, etc.
The young females are also very industrious in attend-
ing on their brothers, as they well know the hardships
their brothers endure in hunting. When young In-
dians grow up to seventeen or eighteen and their fathers
are hard to them, they leave their parents, but when the
young Indian begins to kill deer, they are seldom spoken
harsh to, on the contrary, they are flattered with silver
works, wampum, vermillion and other ornaments.
In the event of an Indian dying and leaving a fam-
ily of children, the relations take care of them untill
they are married, if the orphan children have no rela-
tions their situation is bad, but it is almost impofsible for
a child or children in the Sauk and Fox nations not to
214 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
have relations. The mother always takes care of her
children, legitimate or illegitimate. It seldom happens
that Indian women have more than one child at a birth,
and I never heard of any Indian woman having more
than two.
Marriages
An Indian girl may become loose, and if she happens
to be taken off by a young Indian in a summer hunting
excursion (as it frequently happens) on his return he
will give her parents part of his hunt, probably a horse,
or some goods and a little whiskey, telling them that he
means to keep their daughter as his wife : if the old peo-
ple accept of the presents, the young couple live peace-
ably together with his or her relations, and so end that
ceremony. A young Indian may see a girl whom he
wishes for a wife, he watches opportunities to speak to
her, if well received, he acquaints his parents: his par-
ents not wishing to part with their son if he is a good
hunter, the old people make an offer of goods or horses
for the girl, and if they succeed they take home their
daughter-in-law. On the contrary if the parents of the
girl will not agree to receive property but insist on
servitude, the young Indian must come to hunt for his
wife's parents for same one, two, or three years as may
be agreed on before the parents will relinquish their
right to their daughter. I do not know of any marriage
ceremony except the contract between the parties. An
Indian may have two, three or more wives, but always
prefer sisters as they agree better together in the same
lodge, the eldest has generally the disposal of the hunt,
purchase all the goods and regulate all the domestic
affairs. Adultery among the Sauk and Fox Indians is
punished by cutting off the ears, or cutting or biting off
the nose of the woman, the punishment is generally per-
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 215
formed by the husband on the wife, however this seldom
happens, and altho there are many loose girls among
them, the married women are generally very constant.
An Indian will not be blamed for committing the act,
if he has not made use of force, the old women will say,
he is a Kit-che-Waw-wan-ish-caw, i.e. a very worthlefs
rake, however the injured husband might in a fit of
jealousy kill both of them.
An Indian's wife is his property, and has it in his
power to kill her if she acts badly without fear of re-
venge from her relations. There is no such thing as
divorces, the Indians turn off their wives, and the wives
leave their husbands when they become discontented,
yet the husband can oblidge his wife to return if he
pleases. Women seldom leave their husbands and the
Sauk and Fox Indians as seldom beat or maltreat their
wives. An Indian will listen to a woman scold all day,
and feel no way affected at what she may say. Barrenefs
is generally the cause of separation among the Indians.
The Indian women never have more than one hus-
band at a time, nor does an Indian ever marry the mother
and daughter, they look with contempt on any man that
would have connection with a mother and her daughter,
he would be called a worthlefs dog. The relationship
among Indians is drawn much closer than among us, for
instance, brother's children consider themselves and call
one another brothers and sisters and if the least relation-
ship exists between an Indian and a girl it will prevent
them from being married. An old Sauk chief who died
a few years ago named Masco, told me that he was then
upwards of ninety years of age, I hesitated to believe
him, but he insisted on what he said to be true, he spoke
of the taking of Canada by the British also about the
French fort at Green Bay on Lake Michigan, mentioned
216 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
the French commandant's name Monsieur Marrin81
which left no doubt with me of his being a very old man.
There are now many very old people among the Sauk
and Fox Indians but as all Indians are ignorant of their
exact age, it is impofsible to find out the age of any of
the old people. It is very uncommon for unmarried
women to have children, except it be those who live with
whitemen for sometime, in that case, when they return
to live with their nation, necefsity compels them to ac-
cept the first offer that is made to them and they gener-
ally get some poor, lazy, worthlefs fellow who cannot
procure a wife in the usual way.
There are few women among the Sauk and Fox In-
dians who are sterile: the proportion of sterile women
to them who bear children, are about one to 500, it will
not be too much to say, that each married woman on an
average have three children. Girls seldom arrive at the
age of sixteen without being married, fourteen is the
usual age of getting married for the young girls, and we
often see a girl of fourteen with her first child on her
back, Indian women generally have a child the first year
after marriage, and one every two years subsequent, they
allow their children to suck at least twice as long as a
whitewoman do, they generally leave off child bearing
about the age of thirty.
Family Government, etc.
The duties of an Indian is to hunt, to feed and clothe
his wife and children, to purchase arms and amunition
for himself and sons, purchase kettles, axes, hoes, etc., to
make canoes, paddles, poles, and saddles, to afsist in
81 There were two French officers named Marin in the northwestern Indian
country, and their identity has been sometimes confused. Pierre Paul, sieur
Marin was born in 1692, and was for a long time a trader among the Sioux
and the Wisconsin Indians. From 1745 until his death in 1.753, he held com-
mands in the French-Canadian troops. His son Joseph followed also a military
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 217
working the canoes also in hunting, saddling and driv-
ing the horses.
The duties of the women 82 is to skin the animals when
brot home, to stretch the skins and prepare them for
market, to cook, to make the camp, to cut and carry
wood, to make fires, to drefs leather, make mocosins and
leggins, to plant, hoe and gather in the corn, beans, etc.,
career, from 1748 until the fall of Quebec (1763), when he returned to France.
The man named Marin (or Morand) reported as living in Wisconsin after
1763 was probably a half-breed. — Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xvii, 315. [Cf. also
many references in indexes, vols. v, viii, xvi, xvii. — ED.]
82 The position of woman in Indian society, especially as regards the division
of labor has been misunderstood. In the idea that she was a mere drudge and
slave, and her husband only indolent, there was some truth, but it was much
overdrawn, "chiefly because the observations which suggest it were made about
the camp and village, in which and in the neighboring fields lay the peculiar
province of woman's activity." Her field of labor was naturally the home and
household industries, and the rearing of the children, and among agricultural
tribes generally tillage of the fields was largely woman's work; but she had
some leisure time for amusement and social intercourse. "In an Indian com-
munity, where the food question is always a serious one, there can be no idle
hands. The women were aided in their round of tasks by the children and old
men. Where slavery existed their toil was further lightened by the aid of
slaves, and in other tribes captives were often compelled to aid in the women's
work.
"The men did all the hunting, fishing, and trapping, which in savagery are
always toilsome, frequently dangerous, and not rarely fatal, especially in winter.
The man alone bore arms, and to him belonged the chances and dangers of
war." It was men also who attended to the making and administration of
laws, the conduct of treaties, and the general regulation of tribal affairs,
"though in these fields, women also had important prerogatives;" and import-
ant ceremonies and religious rites, and the memorizing of tribal records, and
of treaties and rituals, were intrusted to the men. "The chief manual labor of
the men was the manufacture of hunting and war implements, an important
occupation that took much time." They also made the canoes, and often dressed
the skins of animals, and sometimes even made the clothing for their wives.
"Thus, in Indian society, the position of woman was usually subordinate, and
the lines of demarcation between the duties of the sexes were everywhere
sharply drawn. Nevertheless, the division of labor was not so unequal as it
might seem to the casual observer, and it is difficult to understand how the line
could have been more fairly drawn in a state of society where the military
spirit was so dominant. Indian communities lived in constant danger of attack,
and their men, whether in camp or on the march, must ever be ready at a
moment's warning to seize their arms and defend their homes and families."
-HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
2i8 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
and to do all the drudgery. They will scold their hus-
bands for getting drunk or parting with a favorite horse
or wasting any property to purchase spiritous liquor,
will scold their children for wasting or destroying any
property. It is a maxim among the Indians that every
thing belong to the woman or women except the Indian's
hunting and war implements, even the game, the In-
dians bring home on his back. As soon as it enters the
lodge, the man ceases to have anything to say in its dis-
posal, properly speaking, the husband is master, the
wife the slave, but it is in most cases voluntary slavery
as the Indians seldom make their wives feel their author-
ity, by words or deeds, they generally live very happy
together, they on both sides make due allowances.
Medicines
The Sauk and Fox Indians are much troubled with
the pleuricy and sore eyes, one proceeds from their fa-
tigue and exposure in hunting and war, the other I
suppose from smoke in their lodges. They understand
the use of medicine83 necefsary for the cure of the most
83 "Many erroneous ideas of the practice of medicine among the Indians
are current, often fostered by quacks who claim to have received herbs and
methods of practice from noted Indian doctors. The medical art among all
Indians was rooted in sorcery; and the prevailing idea that diseases were
caused by the presence or acts of evil spirits, which could be removed only
by sorcery and incantation, controlled diagnosis and treatment. This concep-
tion gave rise to both priest and physician. Combined with it there grew up
a certain knowledge of and dependence upon simples, one important develop-
ment of which was what we know as the doctrine of signatures, according to
which, in some cases, the color, shape, and markings of plants are supposed to
indicate the organs for which in disease they are supposed to be specifics.
There was current in many tribes, especially among the old women, a rude
knowledge of the therapeutic use of a considerable number of plants and roots,
and of the sweating process, which was employed with little discrimination."
— HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
Many of the medicinal roots of eastern and southern United States were
adopted by the whites from the Indian pharmacopeia; some of these are still
known by their native names, and about forty are quoted in current price lists
of crude drugs. Indians formerly gathered medicinal roots to supply the trade
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 219
complaints, they are subject to, they make the use of pur-
gatives and emetics, some of them operate promptly,
some of the Indians understand the art of bleeding, and
make use of the lancet or penknife for that purpose, they
make use of decoctions of roots, and there are few die
for want of medicines, probably some die from taking
to much.
Anatomy
I am informed that the Indians in general are much
better acquainted with the anatomy of the human body,
than the commonalty of white people, and in many in-
stances, making surprising cures, they are very succefsful
in the treatment of wounds : I have known many to have
been cured after having been shot in the body with ball
and arrows, they are rather rough in their surgical
operations, they cut away with a small knife, and I
have seen them make use of a pair of old scifsors, to ex-
tract an arrow point stuck in the thigh bone, and suc-
ceeded after much carving to get at it. Every Indian
is acquainted either more or lefs with the use of common
medicines, in extreame cures [sc. cases], they apply to
some of their most celebrated jugglers, they in addition
to their medicine make use of superstitious ceremonies,
to imp re Is on the minds of the sick, or the persons
present, that he makes use of supernatural means for the
recovery of the person sick: also that the sick persons is
bewitched and will work away making use of the most
ludicrous experiments all of which is swallowed by the
credulous Indians. The conjuror or Man a too- Caw- So
that arose after the coming of the whites. Many roots were exported, espe-
cially ginseng, in which there was an extensive commerce with China; and,
curiously enough, the Iroquois name for the plant has the same meaning as the
Chinese name." — WALTER HOUGH, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
See the list of trees and plants used for medicinal purposes by the Chippewa
in Minnesota, in Hoffman's "Mide'wiwin of the Ojibwa," in Seventh annual
Report of the Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, 198-201. — ED.
220 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
or doctor are feared by the bulk of the Indians, and
never dare to do any thing to displease them.
Astronomy
The general opinion of all Indians is, that the earth
is flat, and [they] appear to be acquainted with several
stars, they know all the fixed stars, and have names for
them all, also for others that apparently change their
position, the[y] regulate their seasons as well by the
stars as by the moon. The year the[y] divide into four
seasons, as we do. Spring- Man-no-cum-ink. Sum-
mer -Pen-a- wick. Autumn -Tuc-quock. Winter -
Pap-po-en. Also into twelve moons as follows:
Tuc-wot-thu Keeshis First frosty moon commencing in Sept.
Amulo " Rutting " October
Puccume Freezing November
Kiche Muqua " Big Bear " December
Chuckee Muqua Little Bear " January
Tuc-wun-nee " Cold February
Pa-puc-qua " Sap March
A-paw-in-eck-kee " Fish " April
Uc-kee-kay " Planting " May
Pa-la-nee First summer or flowering moon June
Na-pen-nee Midsummer moon July
Mish-a-way " Elk " August
Their year is quoted as the[y] are placed in the above
list of moons, commencing with the moon that changes
in September, being the time the[y] usually leave their
villages (after saving their corn) to go westward to
make their fall and winter's hunt. The Sauk and Fox
Indians say that the Great Spirit made every thing, the
earth, moon, sun, stars, etc., all kinds of birds, beasts,
and fishes, and all for the use of the Indians. As a
proof they say, that it is only in their country that the
buffaloe, elk, deer, bear, etc., are to be found, therefore
they were specially intended for the Indians. To the
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 221
white people the Great Spirit gave the book, and taught
them the use of it, which the Great Spirit thought was
absolutely necefsary for them to guide them through
life : he also shewed them how to make blankets, guns,
and gunpowder, all of which were special gifts to the
whites. The use of letters particularly astonish them,
and the[y] hold writing of any sort in great esteem,
they have many papers among them of sixty and seventy
years old in the French and Spanish languages, they
take care of all old papers, without knowing any thing
of the purport of them: the old papers are generally
recommendations formerly written by French and Span-
ish commandants, commonly called patents by the
French and Spaniards.
The Indians do not like to see eclipses of the sun or
moon, they say that some bad munitoo is about to hide
and devour the sun or moon, the Indians always fire at
the eclipse to drive away the munitoo, which they think
they succeed in when the eclipse is over. The Indians
also fire ball at any comet, or bright star, which they
think are munitoos.
All Indians can count as far as 1,000, which they call
a big hundred, a great many can count to 10,000. They
know as much of arithmetic as is sufficient to do their
own businefs, altho they have no particular mark to
represent numbers. The method the Indians describe
north, east, south, and west, is as follows. They point
to the north (or at night to the north star which they call
the immoveable star) which they call the cold country :
south the warm country, east the rising sun, west the
setting sun. The Indians are excellent judges of the
weather, and I have known them prepare for rain, when
I could observe no signs whatever. Met[e]ors they
cannot comprehend, they call them munitoos. In mak-
222 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
ing calculations for the appearance of the new moon,
they say, in so many days the present moon will die, and
in so many more days, the next moon will hang in the
firmament (or the moon will be visible) .
Few of the Indians know any thing of Europe, or the
ocean, the little they know, they have learned it from
the traders.
Music
The only musical instruments the Sauk and Fox In-
dians make use of, is the flute, made of a piece of cane
of two pieces of soft wood hallowed out and tied to-
gether with leather thongs, also a drum, which they beat
with a stick, the flute they blow at one end, and except
the key it is something like a flagelet. They beat the
drum at all kinds of feasts, dances, and games, they
dance keeping time with the tap of the drum, their tunes
are generally melancholly, they are always on a flat
key, and contain many variations, they have a pe-
culiar mode of telling stories, elegantly illustrated with
metaphor and similie, in telling their stories they always
retain something to the last, which is necefsary to ex-
plain the whole.
Religion
The Sauk and Fox Indians believe in one great and
good Spirit,84 who superintends and commands all
things, and that there are many supernatural agents or
8* "Among the many erroneous conceptions regarding the Indian none has
taken deeper root than the one which ascribes to him belief in an overruling
deity, the 'Great Spirit.' Very far removed from this tremendous conception
of one all-powerful deity was the Indian belief in a multitude of spirits that
dwelt in animate and inanimate objects, to propitiate which was the chief
object of his supplications and sacrifices. To none of his deities did the Indian
ascribe moral good or evil. His religion was practical. The spirits were the
source of good or bad fortune, whether on the hunting path or the war trail,
in the pursuit of a wife or in a ball game. If successful he adored, offered
sacrifices, and made valuable presents. If unsuccessful he cast his manito away
and offered his faith to more powerful or more friendly deities. In this world
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 223
munitoos permitted by the Great Spirit to interfere in
the concerns of the Indians.
They believe the thunder presides over the destinies of
war, also Mache-muntitoo or bad Spirit is subordinate
to Kee-shay-Munitoo or the Great Spirit, but that the
bad Spirit is permitted (occasionally) to revenge him-
self on mankind thro the agency of bad medicine, poison-
ous reptiles, killing horses, sinking canoes, etc., every
accident that befalls them, they impute to the bad Spir-
it's machinations, but at same time, conceive it is al-
lowed to be so, in atonement for some part of their
misdeeds. All Indians believe in ghosts, and when they
imagine they have seen a ghost, the friends of the de-
ceased immediately give a feast and hang up some
clothing as an offering to pacify the troubled spirit of
the deceased; they pray by singing over certain words
before they lay down at night, they hum over a prayer
also about sunrise in the morning. The Sauk and Fox
Indians are very religious so far as ceremony is con-
cerned, and even in pafsing any extraordinary cave,
rock, hill, etc., they leave behind them a little tobacco
for the munitoo, who they suppose lives there. There
is a particular society among the Sauk and Fox Indians
(and I believe among some other nations of Indians),
the particulars of which, I understand is never divulged
by any of the society. They hold their meetings in
secret, and what ever pafses among them at their meet-
ings, is never spoken of by any of them elsewhere, this
society is composed of some of the best and most sen-
cible men in the two nations.85 I have given myself
of spirits the Indian dwelt in perpetual fear. He feared to offend the spirits
of the mountains, of the dark wood, of the lake, of the prairie."
- HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
85 "Societies or brotherhoods of a secret and usually sacred character existed
among very many American tribes, among many more, doubtless, than those
from which there is definite information. On the plains the larger number of
224 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
much trouble to find out the particulars of this society,
but have been able to succeed in a very small part only.
The Indians of this society are called the Great Medi-
cine men, and when a young Indian wish to become
one of the society, he applies to one of the members to
intercede for him, saying "you can vouch for me as
these were war societies, and they were graded in accordance with the age and
attainments of the members. The Buffalo Society was a very important body
devoted to healing disease. The Omaha and Pawnee seem to have had a great
number of societies, organized for all sorts of purposes. There were societies
concerned with the religious mysteries, with the keeping of records, and with
the dramatization of myths, ethical societies, and societies of mirth-makers, who
strove in their performances to reverse the natural order of things. We find
also a society considered able to will people to death, a society of 'big-bellied
men,' and among the Cheyenne a society of fire-walkers, who trod upon fires
with their bare feet until the flames were extinguished." Hoffman describes
the Grand Medicine society, or Mide'wiwin, and its four degrees ; "as a result
of these initiations the spiritual insight and power, especially the power to
cure disease, was successively increased, while on the purely material side the
novitiate received instruction regarding the medicinal virtues of many plants.
The name of this society in the form medeu occurs in Delaware, where it was
applied to a class of healers." — JOHN R. SWANTON, in Handbook Amer. In-
dians> art. "Secret societies."
W. J. Hoffman says in his paper on the above-named "Grand Medicine
Society" of the Chippewa (or Ojibwa) —which was published in the Seventh
annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1885-1886), 143-299 — in
speaking of the opposition made by the medicine-men (often called sorcerers),
from the outset, to the introduction of Christianity: "In the light of recent
investigation the cause of this antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the tra-
ditions of Indian genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the
Society of the Mide' constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful
and impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man.
This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of the Algon-
kian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of whom have been
more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the church. The purposes
of the society are twofold: first, to preserve the traditions just mentioned, and,
second, to give a certain class of ambitious men and women sufficient influence
through their acknowledged power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a com-
fortable life at the expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the
society are firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various
supernatural beings — manidos — and in order that certain desires may be
realized they are sought after and consulted" (page 151). Hoffman made
personal investigations among the Ojibwa during the years 1887-1889, at
Leech Lake, Minn., to obtain data for this paper, and much of his information
was furnished directly by the shamans ("medicine-men") themselves. — ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 225
being a good Indian, etc.," the friend of the applicant
mentions the circumstance to the headman of the so-
ciety, who gives an answer in a few days after consulting
others of the society, if the applicant is admitted, his
friend is directed to prepare him accordingly, but what
the preparation, etc., is, I never could find out, but no
Indian can be admitted untill the expiration of one year,
after application is made. This society or Great Medi-
cine consists of four roads (or as we would call them,
degrees) and it requires to do something to gain the
first road, and so on to the second, third, fourth roads
or degrees. It costs an Indian from forty to fifty dollars
in goods, or other articles to be initiated or admitted
into this society, and am told there are but few of them
who can gain the end of the fourth road. A trader once,
offered fifty dollars in goods to a particular Indian
friend of his, who is the head or principal man of this
society among the Sauk and Fox Indians, to be allowed
to be present at one of their meetings, but was refused.
Age has nothing to do with an applicant who wishes to
become a member of this society, as I have been told the
Minnominnie Indians admit boys of fourteen and fif-
teen years of age, but the Sauk and Fox Indians will
not admit any so young. The Sauk and Fox Indians
believe in wizards and witches and none but their jug-
glers have power to allay them.
General Manners and Customs
The Sauk and Fox Indians (like all other Indians)
did formerly eat human flesh, and in their war excur-
sions would always bring home pieces of the flesh of
some of their enemies killed in battle, which they would
eat, but for the last forty or fifty years they have aban-
doned that vile practice, and sometimes will yet bring
§home a small piece of human flesh of their enemies for
226 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
their little children to gnaw, to render them brave as
they say. The Sauk and Fox and all other Indians that
I am acquainted with have no particular salutation in
meeting or parting from each other, with the whiteman
they will shake hands in deference to our custom. The
Sauk Indians pay great respect to their chiefs when
afsembled in council, but the Fox Indians are quite to
the contrary, they pay no respect to their chiefs at any
time, except necefsity compels them, but as there are so
much equality among all Indians, the chiefs seldom dare
insult a private individual.86 The Indians have no
language like our profane cursing and swearing, they
on emergencies appeal to the deity to witnefs the truth
of their statements. They will say such a man is a
worthlefs dog, a bad Indian, etc. Friendship between
two Indians as comrades has no cold medium to it, an
Indian in love is a silly looking mortal, he cannot eat,
drink, or sleep, he appears to be deranged and with all
the pains he takes to conceal his passion, yet it is so
vifsible that all his friends know what is the matter with
86 "Equality and independence were the cardinal principles of Indian society.
In some tribes, as the Iroquois, certain of the highest chieftaincies were con-
fined to certain clans, and these may be said in a modified sense to have been
hereditary; and there were also hereditary chieftaincies among the Apache,
Chippewa, Sioux, and other tribes. Practically, however, the offices within
the limits of the tribal government were purely elective. The ability of the
candidates, their courage, eloquence, previous services, above all, their personal
popularity, formed the basis for election to any and all offices. Except among
the Natchez and a few other tribes of the lower Mississippi, no power in any
wise analogous to that of the despot, no rank savoring of inheritance, as we
understand the term, existed among our Indians. Even military service was
not compulsory, but he who would might organize a war party, and the courage
and known prowess in war of the leader chiefly determined the number of his
followers. So loose were the ties of authority on the war-path that a bad
dream or an unlucky presage was enough to diminish the number of the war
party at any time, or even to break it up entirely. . . The fact is that social
and political organization was of the lowest kind ; the very name of tribe, with
implication of a body bound together by social ties and under some central
authority, is of very uncertain application." — HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Hand-
book Amer. Indians, art. "Popular fallacies."
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 227
him. They never laugh at him but rather pity
him. After an Indian returns home from hunting he
will throw his game at the door of the lodge, enter in,
put away his gun, undrefs his leggins and mocosins, and
sit down without speaking a word with his head between
his knees : immediately some thing to eat is placed be-
fore him, after eating heartily he looks at his wife or
friends, smiles, and enters into conversation with them
about what he has seen extraordinary during the day a
hunting. Their power of recollection don't seem to be
as strong as ours, many circumstances that have occurred
within my recollection they have totally forgot. The
Indians have only one way of building their bark huts
or summer residences, they are built in the form of an
oblong, a bench on each of the long sides about three feet
high and four feet wide, paralel to each other, a door at
each end, and a pafsage thro the center of about six feet
wide, some of those huts, are fifty or sixty feet long and
capable of lodging fifty or sixty persons. Their winter
lodges are made by driving long poles in the ground in
two rows nearly at equal distances from each other,
bending the tops so as to overlap each other, then cover-
ing them with mats made of what they call puc-wy 87 a
kind of rushes or flags, a Bearskin generally serves for
a door, which is suspended at the top and hangs down,
when finished it is not unlike an oven with the fire in the
87 Puc-vuy: a corruption of Ojibwa apakwetashk, meaning "roof -mat grass;"
the "cat-tail flag" (Typha latifolia) the leaves of which are used for making
mats for covering wigwams (apahueiak, plural of apakwei, from a root mean-
ing "to roof"). The rush used for making floor-mats (andkanak, from a root
meaning "to spread out upon the ground") is the widely-distributed bulrush
(Scirpus lacustris), called by the Ojibwa andkanashk, or "floor-mat grass."
The root of this rush, in California called "tule" (from Mexican tolin) is much
eaten by some Indians ; it affords a white, sweet, and very nutritious flour.
- WM. R. GERARD.
Lake Puckaway, in Green Lake County, Wis., is evidently named for this
plant. — ED.
228 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
center and the smoke omits thro the top. The Indians
are acquainted with the various ways in which different
nations of Indians encamp, and when they happen to
come to an old encampment they can tell by the signs,
the peculiar mode of making spits to roast their meat
on, etc., whether it was their own people or whom and
how many days old the encampment was, also which way
they came and which way they went. The reasons that
the Indians spare the lives of snakes is thro fear of of-
fending them, they wish to be friendly with the whole
family of snakes particularly the venemous kinds, they
frequently throw them tobacco and to the dead ones
they lay a few scraps of tobacco close to their heads.
Food, Mode of Living, Cooking Meals, etc.
There are few animals a hungry Indian will not eat,
but the preference is always given to venison or bear's
meat, and are the chief kinds of meat they eat, they feel
always at a lofs without corn, even in the midst of meat.
Corn with beans and dryed pumpkins well prepared,
and sweet corn boiled with fat venison, ducks, or tur-
kies, are delicious in the extreme. The Sauk and Fox
Indians eat but few roasts, as they raise an immensity of
corn, they sometimes make use of the wild potatoe a-pin,
and the bear potatoe or Muco-co-pin also wah-co-pin or
crooked root, Wab-bis-see-pin or Swan root.88 They
88 "The Indians put the roots and other valuable parts of plants to a
greater variety of uses than they did animal or mineral substances, even in the
arid region, though plants with edible roots are limited mainly to the areas
having abundant rainfall. The more important uses of roots were for food,
for medicine, and for dyes, but there were many other uses, as for basketry,
cordage, fire-sticks, cement, etc., and for chewing, making salt, and flavoring.
Plants of the lily family furnished the most abundant and useful root food of
the Indians throughout the United States. . . The tubers of the arrowhead
plant (Sagittaria arifolia and S. latifolia), wappatoo in Algonquian, were
widely used in the northwest for food. . . The Chippewa and Atlantic
coast Indians also made use of them. . . The Sioux varied their diet with
roots of the Indian turnip, two kinds of water-lily, the water grass, and the
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 229
do not make much use of wild rice, because they have
little or none in their country, except when they pro-
cure some from the Winnebagoes or Minnominnie In-
dians. They most generally boil every thing into soup.
I never knew them to eat raw meat, and meat seems to
disgust them when it is not done thoroughly. They
use fish only when they are scarce of tallow in summer,
then they go and spear fish both by night and day, but
it appears they only eat fish from necessity. The old
women set the kettle a boiling in the night, and about
day break all eat whatever they have got, they eat in the
course of the day as often as they are hungry, the kettle
is on the fire constantly suspended from the roof of the
lodge, every one has his wooden dish or bowl and wood-
en spoon 89 or as they call it Me-quen which they carry
modo of the Sioux, called by the French pomme de terre, the ground-nut
(Apios apios}. To these may be added the tuber of milkweed (Asclepias tube-
rosa), valued by the Sioux of the upper Platte, and the root of the Jerusalem
artichoke (Helianthus tuberosa), eaten by the Dakota of St Croix River. . .
The Miami, Shawnee, and other tribes of the middle west ate the 'man of the
earth' (Ipomcea pandurata] and Jerusalem artichoke (Helianthus tub ero so). . .
The Hopi, Zuni, and other tribes eat the tubers of the wild potato (Solatium
jamesii} . The southern and eastern tribes also made use of the potato. Though
this acrid tuber is unpalatable and requires much preparation to render it suit-
able for food, many tribes recognized its value. The Navaho, especially, dug
and consumed large quantities of it, and, on account of the griping caused by
eating it, they ate clay with it as a palliative. . . Hariot mentions (Briefs
and True Report, 1590) six plants the roots of which were valued as food by
the Virginia Indians, giving the native name, appearance, occurrence, and
method of preparation. . . Although the use of edible roots by the Indians
was general, they nowhere practiced root cultivation, even in its incipient
stages. In the United States the higher agriculture, represented by maize culti-
vation, seems to have been directly adopted by tribes which had not advanced
to the stages of root cultivation." — WALTER HOUGH, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
89 "With the Indian the bowl serves a multitude of purposes ; it is associated
with the supply of his simplest needs as well as with his religion. The mate-
rials employed in making bowls are stone (especially soapstone), horn, bone,
shell, skin, wood, and bark. Bowls are often adapted to natural forms, as
shells, gourds, and concretions, either unmodified or more or less fully re-
modeled, and basket bowls are used by many tribes." They were used in pre-
paring and serving food, for the drying, gathering, etc. of seeds in games of
chance and divination, and in religious ceremonies; and "the most ancient
230 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
along with them when they are invited to feasts. Their
cooking are not very clean, they seldom wash their ket-
tles, dishes or meat, the old women will sometimes by
way of cleanlinefs wipe the dish with her fingers.
Games, Dances, etc.
The Sauk and Fox Indians have many games, such as
the mocosin, the platter, etc. Their most active game is
what they call Puc-a-haw-thaw-waw, it is not unlike
what we call shinny or bandy, they make use of a yarn
ball covered with leather, the women also play this
game, also the platter which is exclusively theirs. Run-
ing foot races and horses they are very fond of. The
Sauk and Fox nations have dances peculiar to them-
selves, also others they have adopted from other nations.
The[y] dance the buffallow-dance and the otter dance,
in dancing the buffallow-dance, they are drefsed with the
pate of ,a buffallow skin with the horns, they imitate the
buffallow by throwing themselves into different pos-
tures, also by mimicing his groans, attempting to horn
each other, keeping exact time with the drum, the
women often join in these dances, but remain nearly in
the same spot (while dancing) and singing in a shrill
voice above the men. The medicine dance or Mit-tee-
wee, all those who belong to that fraternity, are made
permanent cooking utensil of the plains tribes was a bowl made by hollowing
out a stone." - Handbook Amer. Indians.
Spoons and ladles were used among all tribes of the United States; they
were made of a great variety of materials — stone, shell, bone, horn, wood,
gourd, pottery, etc. — and in size were larger than European utensils of this
sort. Wood was the most usual material for these articles; and some of the
tribes on the northwest coast made them of highly artistic form and decoration.
Among the eastern and southern Indians from New York to Florida they were
made with the pointed bowl, a form which occurs in no other part of the
United States. "Gourds were extensively used and their forms were often
repeated in pottery." Spoons of shell were common where shells were avail-
able, and artistically wrought specimens have been found in the mounds.
— WALTER HOUGH, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 231
acquainted by some of the head persons, that on a cer-
tain day, the whole will afsemble at a particular place;
on the day appointed they make a shade, both males and
females make their best appearance, they have two
drums on the occasion, the businefs is opened with a
prayer from one of the members, after which the drum-
mers sing a doleful ditty, beating at same time on their
drums, each person male and female are provided with
a sac or pouch of the whole skin of some animal as the
raccoon, mink, marten, fisher, and otter, but generally
of the last mentioned : one of the elders get up and com-
mence dancing round the inside of the lodge, another
follows, and so on untill they are all in motion, as they
pafs by each other, they point the nose of the sacs or
pouches at each other blowing a whiff at the same time,
the person so pointed at, will fall down on the ground
apparently in pain, and immediately get up again and
touch some other one in turn, who will do the same in
succefsion, etc. The Sauk and Fox Indians play at
cards, and frequently play high, they bet horses, wam-
pum, silver works, etc. They frequently in the summer
season have sham battles, a party of footmen undertake
to conduct to their village some friends, they on their
journey are attacked by a party of horsemen who rush
on them from the woods and surround them, the foot-
men throw themselves into the form of a hollow square,
the horsemen are armed with pistols, the footmen re-
ceive them with a volley, and beat them off, and are
again attacked from another quarter and so on alter-
nately untill they succeed in bringing their friends safe
to their village. In those encounters many get thrown
from their horses and sometimes, the footmen get
trampled on by the horses, but during the whole of the
transaction nothing like anger makes its appearance,
232 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
they all retire on the best terms with each other, and it
would be considered as shameful and to much like a
woman for a man to become angry in play. 90
International Law of Relations
The Sauk and Fox Nations of Indians are in very
strict alliance with each other, indeed their affinity are
90 "When not bound down by stern necessity, the Indian at home was occu-
pied much of the time with dancing, feasting, gaming, and story-telling.
Though most of the dances were religious or otherwise ceremonial in character,
there were some which had no other purpose than that of social pleasure. They
might take place in the day or the night, be general or confined to particular
societies, and usually were accompanied with the drum or other musical instru-
ment to accentuate the song. The rattle was perhaps invariably used only in
ceremonial dances. Many dances were of pantomimic or dramatic character,
and the Eskimo had regular pantomime plays, though evidently due to Indian
influence. The giving of presents was often a feature of the dance, as was
betting of all athletic contests and ordinary games. . . From Hudson Bay
to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the Atlantic to the border of the plains, the
great athletic game was the ball play, now adopted among civilized games
under the name of 'lacrosse.' In the north it was played with one racket, and
in the south with two. Athletes were regularly trained for this game, and
competitions were frequently intertribal. The wheel-and-stick game in one
form or another was well-nigh universal. . . Like most Indian institutions,
the game often had a symbolic significance in connection with a sun myth. . .
Target practice with arrows, knives, or hatchets, thrown from the hand, as
well as with the bow or rifle, was also universal among the warriors and boys
of the various tribes. The gaming arrows were of special design and orna-
mentation, and the game itself often had a symbolic purpose. . . Games
resembling dice and hunt-the-button were found everywhere and were played
by both sexes alike, particularly in the tipi or the wigwam during the long
winter nights. . . Investigations by Culin show a close correspondence be-
tween these Indian games and those of China, Japan, Korea, and northern
Asia. Special women's games were shinny, football, and the deer-foot game,
besides the awl game already noted. . . Among the children there were
target shooting, stilts, slings, and tops for the boys, and buckskin dolls and
playing-house for the girls, with 'wolf or 'catcher,' and various forfeit plays,
including a breath-holding test. Cats'-cradles, or string figures, as well as
shuttlecocks and buzzes, were common. As among civilized nations, the chil-
dren found the greatest delight in imitating the occupations of the elders.
Numerous references to amusements among the various tribes may be found
throughout the annual reports of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Consult
especially 'Games of the American Indians,' by Stewart Culin, in the 24th
Report, 1905." — JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Amuse-
ments."
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 233
doubly rivited by intermarriages, similarity of manners
and customs as also in the similarity of language. I
have never heard where their council fire is but believe
it to be at the Sauk Village on the Rocky River, it may
be elsewhere. The alliance between the Sauk and Fox
Indians and the Ofsages was made at the Ofsage vil-
lage on the Ofsage River which falls into the Mifsouri
River. The alliance between the Sauk and Fox Na-
tions and the Kicapoo Nation of Indians, was formed at
the Sauk Village as above described. All those Nations
of Indians except the Ofsages have long since joined the
General Confederacy at Browns Town in Michigan
Territory, and it still exists. The Sauk and Fox Indians
have no national badge that I know, they call the Shawa-
noes and Kicapoos their elder brothers. Every nation
of Indians think themselves as great as any other, and I
never heard of any relative rank among the different
nations of Indians, except what has been said about the
council fire at Browns town.
Hunting
About the middle of September (some years later)
the Sauk and Fox Indians all begin to move from their
villages to go towards the country the[y] mean to hunt
during the ensuing winter, they generally go westwards
in the interiour on the head waters of Ihoway and De-
moine Rivers and some go beyond those rivers quite in
the interiour of the country. There are some who have
no horses as also many old people who descend the
Mifsifsippi River in canoes as far as the Ihoway, Scunk
and other rivers and ascend those rivers to the different
places where they mean to pafs the winter a hunting.
Those Indians who have a sufficiency of horses to trans-
port their families and baggage go as far westward in
their hunting excursions as the Mifsouri River and
234 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
sometimes are invited by the Kansez and other Indians
to crofs the Mifsouri River and hunt in this country as
far westward on small streams that fall into Arkansaw
River. They generally stop hunting deer when the
winter begins to be severe and forms themselves into
grand encampments to pafs the remainder of the winter
or severe weather. They at this time are visited by
their traders who go and receive their credits and also
trade with them. 91 On opening of the spring those that
have traps go to beaver hunting others to hunt bear
and they generally finish their hunt about the ioth of
April. They formerly had general hunting parties or
excursions before the buffaloe removed so far westward.
It is customary to make a feast of the first animal killed
by each party, the whole are invited with some cere-
mony. In case of sicknefs they feast on dog's meat and
sacrifice dogs by killing them with an axe, tying them to
a sapling with their noses pointed east or west and
painted with vermillion. When strangers of another
nation visit their villages, the crier makes a long ha-
rangue thro the village in a loud voice, to use the
strangers well, while they stay, etc. The strangers may
be invited to several feasts in the course of the same day,
while the[y] remain at the village; however particular
Indians give feasts to particular individuals, their par-
ticular friends and relations, and the custom of feasting
strangers is not so common now among the Sauk and
Fox Indians as formerly, or as is at present among the
Indians of Mifsouri.
The Sauk and Fox Indians will on great emergencies
hold a general feast throughout their nations, to avert
91 In the Forsyth Mss. (vol. iii, doc. i) is a list of the licenses to traders
granted by Forsyth at the Rock River agency, 1822-1827. Twenty-six licenses,
sometimes more than one to the same person, are described, all issued for one
year. The number of clerks for each varied from one to six; and the capital
employed, from $518.16 to $6,814.71. — ED.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 235
some expected general calamity, while the magicians are
praying to the Great Spirit and making use of numer-
ous ceremonies.
It is a very mistaken idea among many of the white
people to suppose, that the Indians have not hair on
every part of their body, that they have both males and
females : they pull it out with an instrument made of
brafs wire in the form of a gun worm. They consider it
indecent to let it grow.
The Sauk and Fox Indians shave their heads except
a small patch on the crown, which they are very fond of
drefsing and plaiting, the[y] suspend several ornaments
to it of horse or deer's hair died red as also silver orna-
ments, feathers of birds, etc., they paint their faces red
with vermillion, green with verdigrease and black with
charcoal, their prevailing colour is red, except before or
after coming from war, after returning from war they
divest themselves of all their ornaments, wear dirt on
their heads, and refrain from using vermillion for one
year. The women tye their hair in a club with some
worsted binding, red, blue, or green but the former is
prefered leaving two ends to hang down their backs. 92
92 "The motive of personal adornment, aside from the desire to appear at-
tractive, seems to have been to mark individual, tribal, or ceremonial distinction.
The use of paint on the face, hair, and body, both in color and design, gen-
erally had reference to individual or clan beliefs, or it indicated relationship or
personal bereavement, or was an act of courtesy. It was always employed in
ceremonies, religious and secular, and was an accompaniment of gala dress
donned to honor a guest or to celebrate an occasion. The face of the dead was fre-
quently painted in accordance with tribal or religious symbolism. The prac-
tice of painting was widespread and was observed by both sexes. Paint was
also put on the faces of adults and children as a protection against wind and
sun," Other forms of adornment consisted in plucking out the hairs on the face
and body, head-flattening, tattooing, the use of fat, and that of perfumes; and
the wearing of earrings, labrets, and nose-rings. Garments were often elab-
orately ornamented — among the inland tribes largely with porcupine and
feather quills, which were later replaced by beads of European manufacture —
and sometimes were painted. Such work was not only decorative, but often
symbolic, ceremonial, or even historical. - ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook
Amer. Indians.
236 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
The Indians admire our manufactories but more par-
ticularly guns and gunpowder, but many old Indians
say they were more happy before they knew the use of
fire arms, because, they then could kill as much game
as they wanted, not being then compelled to destroy
game to purchase our merchandise as they are now
oblidged to do.
They say that the white people's thirst after land is
so great that they are never contented untill they have a
belly full of it, the Indians compare a white settlement
in their neighbourhood to a drop of raccoon's grease
falling on a new blanket the drop at first is scarcely
perceptible, but in time covers almost the whole blanket.
The Sauk and Fox Indians do almost all their carrying
on horseback and in canoes, if any carrying is oblidged
to be done for want of horses, the women have to
shoulder it. Among the Sauk and Fox Indians the
young men are most generally handsome, well made,
and extreamely modest.
The young men and women, when they begin to think
of marrying use vermillion. I have observed in the
course of my life, that Indians are not now so stout and
robust as formerly, in general they are very atheletic
with good constitutions, yet whatever may be the cause,
they have not the strength we have. Their general
heighth is about five feet, eight inches, a great many of
the old people are much taller, however they are not
in my opinion degenerating. It is impofsible to ascer-
tain the proportion of births to the deaths but it is well
known they are on the increase. 93 In a conversation I
had with Keeocuck the most intelligent Indian among
93 "It has been supposed that, in his physiologic functions the Indian differs
considerably from the white man, but the greater our knowledge in this direction
the fewer the differences appear; there is, however, a certain lack of uni-
formity in this respect between the two races." The development and life of
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 237
the Sauk and Fox Indians (and a Sauk by birth) last
summer (1826) he told me the Sauk Nation could fur-
nish twelve hundred warriours, three fourths of which
were well armed with good rifles and remainder with
shot guns and some few with bows and arrows. The
Sauk and Fox Indians encourage polygamy and the
adoption of other Indians in their nations, which serves
to augment their nations rapidly. All belts of wampum
are presented in council (after speaking) by the prin-
the Indian infant are quite similar to those of the white child. The period
of puberty is notably alike in the two races. Marriage takes place earlier
among the Indians than among the whites; "only few girls of more than
eighteen years, and few young men of more than twenty-two years, are un-
married," and sometimes girls marry at thirteen to fifteen years. "Indian
women bear children early, and the infants of even the youngest mothers seem
in no way defective. The birth rate is generally high, from six to nine births
in a family being usual. . . The adult life of the Indian offers nothing
radically different from that of ordinary whites. The supposed early aging
of Indian women is by no means general and is not characteristic of the race;
when it occurs, it is due to the conditions surrounding the life of the indi-
vidual. . . But few of them know their actual age. . . The longevity of
the Indian is very much like that of a healthy white man. There are in-
dividuals who reach the age of one hundred years and more, but they are
exceptional. Among aged Indians there is usually little decrepitude. Aged
women predominate somewhat in numbers over aged men."
"Among the more primitive tribes, who often pass through periods of want,
capacity for food is larger than in the average whites. Real excesses in eating
are witnessed among such tribes, but principally at feasts. On the reservations,
and under ordinary circumstances, the consumption of food by the Indian is
usually moderate. All Indians readily develop a strong inclination for and
are easily affected by alcoholic drinks. The average Indian ordinarily passes
somewhat more time in sleep than the civilized white man ; on the other hand,
he manifests considerable capacity for enduring its loss."
"Dreams are frequent and variable. Illusions or hallucinations in healthy
individuals and under ordinary conditions have not been observed. . .
The sight, hearing, smell, and taste of the Indian, so far as can be judged from
unaided but extended observation, are in no way peculiar. . . The physical
endurance of Indians on general occasions probably exceeds that of the whites.
The Indian easily sustains long walking or running, hunger and thirst, severe
sweating, etc.; but he often tires readily when subjected to steady work. His
mental endurance, however, except when he may be engaged in ceremonies or
games, or on other occasions which produce special mental excitement, is but
moderate; an hour of questioning almost invariably produces mental fatigue."
— Handbook Amer. Indians.
238 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
cipal chiefs, the principal brave or chief of the soldiers
also delivers his speech and wampum in public council
when it is a national affair or that they wish to do any
thing permanent. They make use of no heiroglyphicks
except painting on a tree or rock or on a post at the head
of graves,94 the representation of the tribe the person
belong to, the number of scalps and prisoners taken from
the enemy, etc. Strings or belts of white wampum are
occasionally sent with a piece of tobacco tied to the end
9* "Pictography may be defined as that form of thought-writing which
seeks to convey ideas by means of picture-signs or marks more or less sug-
gestive or imitative of the object or idea in mind. Significance, therefore, is
an essential element of pictographs, which are alike in that they all express
thought, register a fact, or convey a message. Pictographs, on the one hand,
are more or less closely connected with sign language, by which they may have
been preceded in point of time;" and, on the other hand, "with every varying
form of script and print, past and present, the latter being, in fact, derived
directly or indirectly from them." Picture-signs have been employed by all
uncivilized peoples, but "it is chiefly to the American Indian we must look for
a comprehensive knowledge of their use and purpose, since among them alone
were both pictographs and sign language found in full and significant em-
ploy. Pictographs have been made upon a great variety of objects, a favorite
being the human body. Among other natural substances, recourse by the picto-
grapher has been had to stone, bone, skins, feathers and quills, gourds, shells,
earth and sand, copper, and wood, while textile and fictile fabrics figure
prominently in the list. . .
"From the earliest form of picture-writing, the imitative, the Indian had
progressed so far as to frame his conceptions ideographically, and even to
express abstract ideas. Later, as skill was acquired, his figures became more
and more conventionalized till in many cases all semblance of the original was
lost, and the ideograph became a mere symbol. While the great body of In-
dian glyphs remained pure ideographs, symbols were by no means uncommonly
employed, especially to express religious subjects, and a rich color symbolism like-
wise was developed, notably in the southwest." Usually the Indian glyphs "are
of individual origin, are obscured by conventionalism, and require for their
interpretation a knowledge of their makers and of the customs and events of the
times, which usually are wanting" — hence the need of great caution, and fre-
quent failure, in trying to explain them. Nevertheless, "their study is im-
portant. These pictures on skin, bark, and stone, crude in execution as they
often are, yet represent the first artistic records of ancient, though probably not
of primitive man. In them lies the germ of achievement which time and effort
have developed into the masterpieces of modern eras. Nor is the study of
pictographs less important as affording a glimpse into the psychological work-
ings of the mind of early man in his struggles upward." — HENRY W. HENSHAW,
in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 239
of it as a friendly mefsage or invitation from one nation
to another for the purpose of opening the way to an
adjustment of differences or any other subject of impor-
tance. Blue wampum painted red, with tobacco in the
same manner denotes hostility or a solicitation to join
in hostility against some other power. Those strings or
belts of wampum are accompanied by speeches to be
repeated verbatim or presenting them to the person or
persons to whom they are sent, should the terms offered
or the purport of the mefsage be acceeded to the parties
accepting the wampum smoke of the tobacco thus tied
to it and return their answer in a similar way. A belt
of wampum sent to a neighboring nation for afsistance
in war, is made of blue wampum, at one end is wrought
in with white grains the figure of a tomyhawk, presented
towards a dimond of white grains also both painted red
with vermillion. Should the nation accept the mefsage,
they work their dimond of white grains of wampum
in the same way.
Language
The Sauk and Fox languages are guttural and nosal
the following letters are made use in their language as
well as other sounds that cannot be represented by any
letters in an alphabet -A, B, C, H, I, K, L, M, N, 0, P, Q,
S, T, U, w, Y, Z, are letters of our alp [h] abet that are
sounded in their language : the accent is generally placed
on the second syllable and often on the first. They place
a very strong emp[h]asis on the superlative degree of
their ajectives also their adverbs of quality and inter-
jections. They designate the genders thus-
MASCULINE FEMININE
Man, Ninny Woman, Hequa
Men, Ninnywuck Women, Hequa-wuck
Buck, lawpe Doe, A-co
Deer [plural?], Pay-shakes-see
240 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
The genders of all other animals are formed by plac-
ing the word [for] male or female before them. The
plurals of substantives are formed by the termination of
uck or <wuck
SINGULAR PLURAL
Child, A-pen-no Children, A-pen-no-wuck
Chief, O-ke-maw Chiefs, O-ke-maw-wuck
Indian, Me-thu-say-nin-ny Indians, Me-thu-say-nin-ny-wuck
also the termination of y or wy to the name of an animal
is the proper name of its Skin.
SINGULAR PLURAL
Buckskin, I-aw-pe-wy Buckskins, I-aw-pe-wy-uck
Muskrat [skin], Shusk-wy Muskratskins, Shusk-wy-uck
[Vocabulary]
American,95 Muc-a-mon Englishman, Sog-o-nosh
French, Mith-o-cosh Blanket, Mi-co-say
95 Derivation of the Indian names for American, English and French
people — It is very well known, that the first white people the Indians saw in
North America, were the French, who landed in Canada at an early day. The
Indians say, that the French wore long beards in those days, from which cir-
cumstance, the Indians called them Wa-bay-mish-e-tome, i.e., white people with
beards, and Wem-ty-goush is an abbreviation of the former Indian words of
Wa-bay-mish-e-tome.
Sog-o-nosh, appears to be derived from the gallic word Sasenaugh, which
as I am well informed, means Saxon. The manner in which the Indians became
acquainted with this word is as follows. At an early period, perhaps, in the
latter part of the seventeenth, or the beginning of the eighteenth century, the
British were about to make an attack on Quebeck; some Scotchmen who were
officers in the French army, at that place, told the Indians to be strong, and
they, combined with the French, would kill all those bad Sasenaghs (meaning
the British Army) who dared come against them. The Indians took the word,
and pronounced it as now spoken, Sog-o-nosh. Both words as Wem-ty-goush
and Sog-o-nosh originated with the lake Indians.
Kit-chi-mo-co-maun or Big Knife is of a more recent origin, than the two
former names. In some one of the many battles between the settlers of the
then province (now State) of Virginia, the Indians were attacked by a party
of white men on horseback, with long knives (swords), and were ever after
called Big Knives by the Indians in that quarter, which name reached the more
northern Indians, and the name of Big Knife has ever since been given by the
Indians to every American. The Indians in Lower Canada used to call the
New England people Pos-to-ney which I presume was borrowed from the
French Bostone, but at the present day and for many years back, all Indians
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 241
Powder (gun), Muck-i-tha Sun, Keeshis
Flint, Sog-o-cawn Otter, Cuth-eth-tha
Whiskey or rum, Scho-ta-wa-bo Beaver, Amic-qua
Cow, Na-no-ee Elk, Mesh-shay-way
Cat, Caw-shu Bear, Muc-qua
Cat (wild), Pis-shew Wild goose, Alick-qua
Fowls, Puck-a-ha-qua Duck, She-sheeb
Looking glafs, Wa-ba-moan Eagle, Mick-is-seou
Silver, Shoo-ne-aw Owl, We-thuc-co
Knife, Mau-thifs Swan, A-ha-wa
Dog, A-lem-mo Pidgeon, Mee-mee
Saddle, Tho-me-a-cul Eye, Os-keesh-oc-qua
Bridle, So-ke-the-na-pe-chu-cun Hand, Neek
Canoe, It-che-maun Mouth, Thole
Paddle, Up-we Nose, co-mouth
Water, Neppe Teeth, Wee-pee-thul
call alJ Americans, Kit-chi-mo-co-raaun, i.e., Big Knives. — T. FORSYTH (among
memoranda following his memoir).
Many curious names were given by the aboriginal peoples to the white
men, "appellations referring to their personal appearance, arrival in ships,
arms, dress, and other accouterments, activities, merchandise and articles
brought with them, as iron, and fancied correspondence to figures of aboriginal
myth and legend." In some cases the term for men of one nation was after-
ward extended to include all white men whom they met. Thus, "the Chippe-
wa term for 'Englishman,' shaganash (which probably is connected with 'spear*
man,' or the 'contemptible spearman.' — WM. JONES, 1906) has been extended to
mean 'white man.'" The Americans (i.e., the inhabitants of the English
colonies which are now part of the United States) were called, in and after the
Revolutionary period, various names by the Indians to distinguish them from
the British and French. "Probably from the swords of the soldiery several
tribes designated the Americans as 'big knives,' or 'long knives.' This is the
signification of the Chippewa and Nipissing chimo'koman. . . The prom-
inence of Boston in the early history of the United States led to its name being
used for 'American' on both the Atlantic and the Pacific coast. Another Al-
gonquian term for Frenchman is the Cree wemistikojiw, Chippewa wemittgosht,
probably akin to the Fox wa'me'tego'whita, one who is identified with something
wooden, probably referring to something about clothing and implements. The
Fox name for a Frenchman is ivdme'tegoshia (WM. JONES, 1906) ; Menorainee,
vvameqtikosiu; Missisauga, wamitigushi, etc. The etymology of this name is
uncertain." - A. F. CHAMBERLAIN, in Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Race
names."
In a letter to the editor, Dr. F. W. Hodge says: "Forsyth's Wem-ty-goush
is from the Chippewa wemitigosht, meaning 'people of the wooden canoes.'"
-ED.
242
THOMAS FORSYTH
[Vol.
Legs, Cau-then
Arms, Nitch
Head, Weesh
Foot, Couth
Hair (of the head), We-ne-sis
Hair (of animals), We-se-an
Corn, Thaw-meen
Tree, Ma-thic-quai
Moon, Kee-shis
Stars, A-law-queek
Day, Keesh-o-co
Night, Tip-pic-quoc
Father, Oce
Mother, Kea
Sister, Ni-thuc-quame
Brother (elder), Si-say
Brother (younger), Se-ma
Sister (elder), Ne-mis-sa
Sister (younger), Chu-me-is-sum
Son, Quis
Daughter, Thaunis
Grandfather, Mish-o-mifs
Grandmother, Co-mifs
Friend, Cawn
Yesterday, O-naw-co
To-day, He-noke
Tomorrow, wa-buck
Warriour, Wa-taw-say
Spring, Man-no-cum-me
Rock, As-sen
Sand, Na-kow
Wood, Ma-thi-a-cole
Mifsifsippi, Mes-is-se-po
Wind, No-then
Snow, Ac-coen
Rain, Kee-me-a
Thunder, An-a-mee-kee
Dance, Ne-mee
Path, Me-ow
God, Man-nit-too
Devil, Mache-man-nit-too
Fire, Scho-tha
Boy, Qui-es-ea
Girl, Squa-cy
Tobacco, Say-maw
Sail, Caw-tha-sum
Thought, Es-she-thai
Courage, A-e-qua-me
Hatred, Es-£m-a-wa
Fear, Co-suc-kea
Love, Tip-pawn-nan
Eternity, Caw-keek
Happinefs, Men-we-pem-au-this-
see
Strength, We-shic-is-see
Beauty, Wa-wan-is-see
Insanity, Waw-wen-au-this-se-ow
Revenge, Ash-e-tho-a-caw-no
Cowardice, Keesh-kee-tha-hum
Hunger, Wee-shaw-pel
Round, PTa-we-i-au
White, Wa-bes-kiou
Black, Muck-et-tha-wa
Yellow, As-saow
Green, Ski-buc-ki-a
Red, Mus-quaou
Blue, We-pec-qua
Song, Nuc-a-moan
Feast, Kay-kay-noo
Salt, See-wee-thaw-gun
Sugar, Sis-sa-bac-quat
White Oak, Mec-she-mish
Red Oak, Ma-thic-wa-mish
Cedar, Mus-qua-aw-quck
Pine, Shin-qua-quck
Cottonwood, Me-thew-wuck
Sycamore, Keesh-a-wock-quai
Grafs, Mus-kis-kee
Hill, Mes-is-sauk
Island, Men-nefs
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 243
River, Seepo
Flat, Puc-puc-kfs-kia
Alive, Pematifs
Dead, Nippo
Sick, Oc-co-muth
Well, Nes-say
Tired, je-qua
Lazy, Naw-nee-kee-tho
Early, Maw-my
Late, A-maw-quas
Handsome, Waw-won-nifs-see
Ugly, Me-aw-nifs-see
Rich, O-thai-wifs-see
Poor, Kitch-a-moc-is-see
Good, Wa-wun-nitt
Better, Na-kai-may-wa-won-nitt
Best, One-wak-men-we-wa-won-
nitt
Bad, Me-aw-nith
Worse, A-ne-kai-may-me-aw-nith
Worst, A-me-kaw-she-me-aw-
nith 96
Boat, Mis-se-gock-it-che-man
Flute, Paw-pe-guen
Boards, Mifs-see-gock
Singular
I, Neen
Thou or you, Keene
He, she, or it, Weene
PERSONAL PRONOUNS
Plural
We, Neenwaw
Ye, Keenwaw
They, Weenwaw
Singular
Mine or my, Nichi Enim 97
Thy or thine, Kiche Enim
His or hers, O-thi-Enim
Pofsefsion
Plural
Ours, Neen-ane-i-thi-enim
Yours, Keen-ane-othi-enim
Theirs, Ween-waw-othi-enim
CONJUGATION VERB TO LOVE
Singular
I love, ne-neen-wen-a-maw
Thou lovest, Ke-men-wen-a-maw-
kia
He loved, O-men-wen-a-maw-kia
One, Necouth
Two, Neesh
Three, Nefs
Plural
We love, Neen-wa-ke-men-a-kia
Ye or you love, Keen-wa, etc.
They love, Ween-wa, etc.
Loved, Men-a-wa-kia-pie
Loving, Men-wen-a-meen
[NUMBERS]
Four, Ne-a-we
Five, Nee-aw-neen
Six, Ne-coth-wa-sick
96 These comparisons of "bad," as also the specimens of plural formation
for substantives (page 240) have been transposed to their present and logical
position because in the Ms. they were evidently misplaced by some forgetful-
ness or oversight of Forsyth's. — ED.
97 The termination enim has reference to things. — T. FORSYTH (in marginal
note.)
244 THOMAS FORSYTH [Vol.
Seven, No-wuck 12, Mittausway Neshway nifscc
Eight, Nip-wash-ick 13, Mittausway Nefs-way Nifsee
Nine, Shauck 20, Neesh Wap-pe-tuck
Ten, Mit-taus 30, Nefs Wap-pe-tuck
II, Mittausway Necouth a nifsee 100, Necouth-wock-qua
1,000, Mittaus wock-qua or necouth kichi wock
10,000, Mit-taus Kichi wock or ten great hundreds
The Sauk and Fox and I believe all other Indians
count decimally.
PREPOSITIONS
Come with me Ke-we-thay-me
Go to him E-na-ke-haw-loo
I will fight for you Ke-me-caw-thu-it-thum-one
Come in with me Pen-the-kay-thaun
Let us wade thro the water Pee-than-see-e-thawn
ADVERBS
He shoots badly Me-awn-os-show-whai
He eats much Kichu-o-we-sen-ne
The River rises rapidly Kichu-mos-on-hum-o-see-po
Come here Pe-a-loo
Go there E-tip-pe-haw-loo
Behave well Muc-quache-how-e-wa
Not you but me A-qua-kun-neen
Neither you nor I A-qua-necoth I-O
The above is submitted to your better Judgment of
Indian Manners and Customs by your obedient servant
THOMAS FoRSYTH.98
St Louis, 1 5th January, 1827
[Addressed:] GENERAL WILLIAM CLARK," Suptd of In.
affs, St. Louis.
98 Thomas Forsyth was of Scotch-Irish origin, his father, William Forsyth,
coming to America in 1750, and entering military service here; after the French
and Indian War he was stationed at Detroit, where Thomas was born, Dec. 5,
1771. When but a youth, Thomas entered the Indian trade; he spent several
winters at Saginaw Bay, and as early as 1798 spent a winter on an island in
the Mississippi River, near Quincy, 111. About 1802 he, with Robert Forsyth
and John Kinzie, established a trading-post at Chicago, and later settled as a
trader at Peoria. April i, 1812, he was appointed a sub-agent of Indian affairs
(with a salary of $6co a year, and three rations a day), under Gen. William
two] MEMOIRS OF THE SAUK AND FOXES 245
Clark, and for many years (until a short time before the Black Hawk War)
was agent at first for the Illinois district, and then among the Sauk and Fox
tribes. He died at St. Louis, Oct. 29, 1833, leaving four children. Forsyth's
letter-books, covering the period from 1812 to his death, with many letters re-
ceived by him from prominent men of his time, copies of his official accounts
rendered to the government, and several memoirs on the Indians — forming a
collection of original documents of great value and interest for western and
Indian history of that period — are in the possession of the Wisconsin His-
torical Society. Forsyth was a man of great ability, and was generally con-
sidered one of the most competent among the early Indian agents; he had
much influence with the Indians, and did much to retain them on the side of
the Americans in the war of 1812-18x5. See biographical and other information
regarding him in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. vi, 188, and vol. xi, 316. — ED.
"General Clark was heard to say that this account of the manners and
customs of the Sauk and Fox Indians was "tolerable." It was so tolerable that
he nor any of his satelites could equal it, and I should be glad to see some
of their productions on this head. -T. FORSYTH (marginal note).
APPENDICES
A. Biographical sketch of Nicolas Per-
rot; condensed from the notes of Father
Tailhan.
B. Notes on Indian social organization,
mental and moral traits, and religious
beliefs; and accounts of three remark-
ably religious movements among In-
dians in modern times. Mainly from
writings of prominent ethnologists; the
remainder by Thomas Forsyth and
Thomas R. Roddy.
C. Various letters, etc., describing the
character and present condition of the
Sioux, Potawatomi, and Winnebago
tribes; written for this work by mission-
aries and others who know these peoples
well.
APPENDIX A
[The following sketch of Perrot's life is condensed from Tail-
han's notes on the explorer's narrative, pages 257-279, 301-308 (see
present work, volume i, note 171), and 319-336, of the original publi-
cation. This account is given as far as possible in Tailhan's own
language, and includes all his statements of facts; but his long cita-
tions from La Potherie and others are omitted, as also various unim-
portant comments and details.]
"We would know [from his memoirs] absolutely nothing about
the family of our author, the year and the place of his birth, his youth,
and his first expeditions among the savages of the west, if Charle-
voix and La Potherie had not, at least in part, made amends for his
silence. In this note I have brought together the somewhat scanty
records for which we are indebted to them, and of which they too
often leave us in ignorance of the exact date. Nicolas Per rot, born
in 1644, came (I know not in what year) to New France. He be-
longed to a respectable but not wealthy family; accordingly, after he
had obtained some smattering of knowledge he found that he must
break off his studies, in order to enter the service of the missionaries.
The Jesuits, at that time dispersed afar among the savage peoples
whom war and famine vied in destroying, had soon realized that they
could not without rashness place themselves, as regards their sub-
sistence, at the mercy of the poor Indians in the midst of whom they
were living. It was therefore necessary for them, as well as for
their neophytes, to seek their daily food from hunting, fishing, and
agriculture. These toils, to which their earlier education had left
them strangers, were besides incompatible with the functions of their
ministry. The few European coadjutor brethren who were included
in their number being almost as unskilled in these pursuits as were
the missionaries themselves, the latter took as associates some young
men of the country, who, either gratuitously or for a salary, consented
to share their dangers, fatigues, and privations, and made provision
for their needs. Fathers Mesnard (Relation of 1663, chap, viii),
Allouez (id. of 1667, chap, xvi), Marquette (Recit, chap, i), and
250 APPENDIX A [Vol.
many others before or after them, had for companions of their apos-
tolic journeys a certain number of these donnes or engages. It is
among these latter that Perrot was enrolled, which gave him the
opportunity to visit most of the indigenous tribes and to learn their
languages (Charlevoix, Histoire, vol. i, 437). What was the exact
duration of this sort of apprenticeship? I do not know, but it could
not have lasted very long. We know, indeed, through La Potherie
(Histoire, vol. ii, 88, 89) that Perrot was the first to visit the Poute-
ouatamis, in order to trade with them in 'iron' - that is, in arms and
munitions of war. At that time, therefore, he had already quitted
the service of the missionaries. But this voyage could not have been
made later than 1665; since, on the one hand, Perrot went from the
Pouteouatamis and arrived among the Outagamis in the very year
following the settlement of this latter tribe in the neighborhood of
the Sakis and the Bay (La Potherie, Histoire, vol. ii, 99), and, on the
other, this migration of the Outagamis was accomplished by the year
1665 (Relation of 1667, chap. x). We are then necessarily led to
assign to Perrot's engagement a length of only four or five years at
most (from 1660 to 1664 or 1665) ; for we can hardly suppose that
Perrot became companion to the missionaries before his sixteenth
year." The statement that he was the first Frenchman to visit the
Pouteouatamis (who had been settled at the entrance to Green Bay
since 1638) seems to conflict with the other one (Relation of 1660,
chap, iii) that they had been visited by two Frenchmen in 1654; but
La Potherie may refer to only one of the villages of that tribe, the
one farthest up the bay. But, however that may be, "it is certain
that before 1670 Perrot made several journeys among the various
tribes of the Bay of Puans and of Wisconsin. . . Perrot was not
a common trader, occupied solely with his own interests and those of
his employers. From the beginning of his career he realized how im-
portant it was to the Colony and to France to see all the peoples of
the west united together against their common enemy, the Iroquois.
Accordingly, having learned on his arrival among the Pouteouatamis
that hostilities had already broken out between those Indians and
their neighbors the Maloumines or wild-rice people, from whom his
hosts feared an attack — all the more to be dreaded just then because
all their warriors were at Montreal trading -he offered to go in
person to negotiate peace with their enemies. This proposition was
welcomed with gratitude by the old men of the tribe, and Perrot im-
mediately set out to execute his mission." (See La Potherie's His-
two] ACCOUNT OF PERROT'S LIFE 251
toire, vol. ii, 90-98, for account of this embassy and its success, and
Perrot's welcome by the grateful Pouteouatamis. ) "These attentions,
these marks of honor, and these enthusiastic demonstrations were not
as disinterested as might be supposed. Perrot somewhere observes
that in their traffic with Europeans the savages are such only in
name, and can employ more skilfully than they the means most cer-
tain for securing their own ends. The object which in this case they
proposed to attain was to gain the confidence of Perrot and the
merchants of the colony, to bring the French among themselves to
the exclusion of other peoples, and thus to become the necessary
middlemen for the commerce of New France with all the Indians of
the west. It was with this purpose that they sought to prevent, as
far as possible, the establishment of direct relations between Perrot
and the more remote tribes, by hastening to send deputies to those
tribes, commissioned to inform them of the alliance of the Pouteou-
atamis with the French, the voyage of the former to Montreal, and
their return with a great quantity of merchandise — for which they
invited those distant peoples to come and exchange their furs. But
if they had an object Perrot had also his own, from which he did not
allow himself to turn aside. His patriotism and his adventurous
spirit urged him on to visit for himself the various tribes of the Bay
and of adjoining regions; and in dealing with them personally he
endeavored to attach them to himself and to France, and he accom-
plished this in the course of the following years.
"The Outagamis or Renards, driven from their ancient abodes by
fear of the Iroquois, had taken refuge at a place called Ouestatinong,
twenty-five or thirty leagues from the Bay of Puans, toward the
southwest (Relation of 1670, chap. xii). The exact time of this
migration is not known to us. What is certain is, that (i) it took
place after 1658, since the Outagamis do not figure in the enumera-
tion of the peoples of the Bay and of Mechingan given in the Relation
of that year (chap, v) ; and (2) that it was already made at the end
of 1665 (cf. supra). This tribe, of Algonquin race, were relatives
and allies of the Sakis, whose language they spoke (Relation of 1667,
chap, x; id. of 1670, chap, xii; Perrot, 154). This is why they sent,
in the spring of the year which followed their new settlement, depu-
ties commissioned to announce to the latter tribe their arrival. The
Sakis, in their turn, resolved to despatch some chiefs as ambassadors
to congratulate the Outagamis on their coming to that region, and to
entreat them not to move any farther. Perrot did not let slip this
252 APPENDIX A [Vol.
opportunity to visit a tribe which until then had had no intercourse
with the French (La Potherie, Histoire, vol. ii, 99, 173). It will
be easy for us to follow him, thanks to Fathers Allouez and Dablon,
who soon afterward made the same voyage, and have given us a
curious and circumstantial narrative of their itinerary (Relation of
1670, chap, xii; id. of 1671, 3rd part, chap, v)." This voyage was
up the Fox River to Lake Winnebago, thence up the upper Fox and
the Wolf Rivers to the Outagami village. Perrot also made a
journey to the Maskoutens and Miamis, who had fled for refuge to
the upper Fox River, above the Wolf. "It is to be believed that, in
the course of these few years, Perrot made still other voyages; but
the two which I have just narrated are the only ones on which the
old historians of Canada have furnished me any information. I will
content myself, therefore, with adding to what has gone before the
fact that when Perrot returned to the colony with the Ottawa fleet
[1670], he had already visited the greater number of the savage
tribes of the west ; and that he had gained their confidence so far that
he persuaded them to do whatever he wished (Charlevoix, Histoirey
vol. i, 436). The Algonquins loved and esteemed him (Perrot,
119) ; and the various tribes of the bay honored him as their father
(La Potherie, Histoire, vol. ii, 173, 175). In a word, he was the
man best prepared in all New France for discharging the mission
which Monsieur de Courcelles was soon to entrust to him (Charle-
voix, ut supra)."
"After this very inglorious campaign [1684] Perrot actually re-
turned to the Puante River, in the seigniory of Becancourt, where
from 1 68 1 (as the census of that year shows us) he had possessed a
dwelling and a land-grant of eighteen arpents. At that same time
Perrot had been married about ten years, since the eldest of his six
children was then fully nine years old. Although Perrot had in-
herited, in right of his wife, Madeleine Raclos, a considerable amount
of property, his affairs were none the less much embarrassed in the
present year 1684. We allow him to explain the matter himself, in
a letter to Monsieur de Saint Martin, one of his creditors, and
notary-royal at Cap de la Madeleine:
From the Puante River, this twentieth of August, 1684.
MONSIEUR: I have received your letter, by which I see that you
demand what is quite just. I would not have delayed so long to visit
you and all those to whom I am indebted, if I had brought in the peltries
which I left behind on account of the orders given me to come to the
war . . . if I had those in my possession, I would be bolder than I
two] ACCOUNT OF PERROT'S LIFE 253
am to go to find my creditors; but as I brought back nothing, even to pay
for the merchandise [that I carried out], for fear of being punished for
disobedience, I am ashamed. That will not prevent me from going down
to Quebec to procure merchandise; if I bring back goods that suit you,
you will dispose of them ; if not, I will try to satisfy your claim in some
other way, if I can. I am not the only one who has come down without
bringing back anything. I expected to go to the Cap [de la Madeleine],
in order to give you proof of what I am writing to you; but Monsieur
de Villiers is sending me with some letters to Quebecq, which obliges me
to give up going to see you until after my return. Believe me, I intend
to give you satisfaction, or I could not do so. Your very humble ser-
vant, N. PERROT.
In the course of the following years, the condition of affairs caused
only more troubles for Perrot and for many others. The Iroquois
closed all the passages, and no longer permitted the fleets of the Otta-
was and the Canadian voyageurs to come down to the colony with
their peltries, from which sprang universal poverty and misery. Mon-
sieur de Champigny, intendant of New France, wrote in his despatch
of August 9, 1688 (in the archives of the Marine) : 'The merchants
are still in a most deplorable condition; all their wealth has been in
the woods for the last three or four years. It is impossible for them
to avoid being considerably indebted in France; and, in a word, when
the fur-trade fails for one year, very fortunate is he who has bread.'
While awaiting a favorable opportunity for transporting to Mon-
treal the produce of his trading, Perrot had deposited it in the buildings
of St. Frangois Xavier mission, at the Bay of Puans; but while he
followed the Marquis de Denonville in his expedition against the
Tsonnontouan Iroquois, a fire consumed the church, the adjoining
buildings, and the 40,000 livres' worth of peltries which Perrot had
left there (La Potherie, Histoire, vol. ii, 209)." [For Perrot's ac-
tivities in 1685-1686, see volume i, note 171. -ED.]
On returning to the colony, Perrot endeavored to retrieve his
ruinous losses of property by a new trading voyage to the west ; and he
obtained from Denonville the same office, with nearly the same
authority, as that which La Barre had conferred on him. Probably
in the autumn of 1687, he went to Green Bay, and thence to the
upper Mississippi, to the fort which he had built there a few years
before. While there, he traded with the Dakotas, and persuaded them
to permit his taking possession of that region for France ( 1 689 ) . He
returned to Montreal, on the way stopping at Michillimakinak and
procuring the release of some Iroquois prisoners whom the Ottawas
were about to burn at the stake ; and the latter sent with him one of
254 APPENDIX A [Vol.
their chiefs to deliver the rescued captives to the governor. But soon
after their arrival at Montreal an Iroquois army surprised (Aug. 25,
1689) the village of Lachine, massacred or captured its inhabitants,
and ravaged Montreal Island. The French and the friendly Indians
were overcome with fear, and the savages of the upper country were
filled with contempt for the French, and the desire to protect them-
selves from danger by concluding a peace with the Iroquois and the
English; knowing that this would be ruinous to the French colony,
La Durantaye and the Jesuit missionaries at Michillimakinak labored
to retain the Indians in the French alliance. Fortunately at this
crisis, Count de Frontenac arrived at Quebec (Oct. 12, 1689), and
immediately formed a plan to draw all the Algonquian tribes into an
offensive alliance with the French against the Iroquois; to gain over
to this the tribes of the northwest, he sent Perrot (May 22, 1690)
with presents as his envoy to them - an undertaking in which the latter
was successful. Frontenac sent armies against the Iroquois, into their
own country, and thus broke up their previous mastery of the St. Law-
rence route; so that in 1693 a fleet of two hundred Ottawa canoes
brought down to Montreal 800,000 livres worth of peltries. In 1692,
Perrot received orders to go to reside among the Miamis of the Mara-
meg River, at the same time, however, apparently retaining his author-
ity over the tribes about Green Bay; he was sent thither "on account of
its being important to maintain that post against the new expeditions
which the Iroquois might make in that quarter" (Letter of Callieres,
Oct. 27, 1695). Indeed, in that very year a band of Iroquois had
endeavored to surprise the Miamis there; but the latter, with the aid
of the French at the post (under command of Courtemanche) had
repulsed the enemy. In the summer of the same year Perrot had
gone to Montreal with chiefs of the various tribes under his control,
who were received in audience by Frontenac. The governor urged
the Miamis of the Marameg to unite with their tribesmen on the St.
Joseph ; under the influence of Frontenac and Perrot they seem to have
consented, although somewhat reluctantly, to this removal. During
the next few years Perrot had much to do with the western tribes, and
encountered many adventures and even dangers. "The principal oc-
cupation of our author was, as before, to maintain harmony and peace
among those tribes, always ready to tear one another in pieces, and to
urge them to wage war against the Iroquois. That was a work as
thankless as difficult, because it was hardly accomplished when it be-
came necessary to begin it again on some new ground, so inconstant
two] ACCOUNT OF PERROTS LIFE 255
and fickle is the will of those peoples, whose 'wild young men, who
are braves without discipline or any appearance of subordination, at
the first glance or the first brandy debauch overthrow all the delibera-
tions of the old men, who are no longer obeyed' (Letter of Denonville,
May 8, 1686)." This fickleness was often displayed against even
Perrot, whose property was seized by them, and who even was in
danger of being burned at the stake by the Maskoutens (about 1693)
and again by the Miamis (in 1696). In the latter case, chiefs from
the other tribes offered their services to Frontenac to avenge the injuries
of Perrot; but he knew their hatred to the Miamis, and discreetly
declined this proposal. The governor was a firm friend of Perrot,
and if he had lived would doubtless have enabled him to recoup his
losses; but the death of Frontenac (November 28, 1698) deprived
Perrot of a protector, and about the same time the court of France
abolished the trading permits and ordered that the posts at Michilli-
makinak and St. Joseph be abandoned, and all the French soldiers and
traders recalled to the colony (Letter of Champigny, Oct. 15, 1698;
in archives of the Marine). As a result, Perrot was "completely
ruined, and harassed by numerous creditors;" and his appeals to both
the colonial and the royal governments were rejected - although Cal-
lieres suggested that the latter grant a small pension to relieve the
poverty of the unfortunate explorer, a request which seems to have
been entirely ignored. But the same neglect was experienced by other
faithful servants of the French cause -for instance, La Durantaye
and Jolliet, who were reduced to the same extremity (see Raudot's
"List of those interested in the Company of Canada," 1708; in ar-
chives of the Marine).
In the summer of 1701 Perrot was called to act as interpreter at a
general conference of the Indian tribes that was held there. On this
occasion those of the west who had been under his command entreated
the governor to send him back to them, and displayed the utmost
esteem and affection for him ; this request was made by the Potawatomi
chief, Ounanguisse, the Outagami chief, Noro, and the orator of the
Ottawas and their allies, but was met only by vague promises, which
were never fulfilled. See La Potherie, Histoire, vol. iv, 212-214, 257.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, who succeeded Callieres as governor, was
fortunately always a warm friend of Perrot and his family, and seems
to have conferred on the former a command in the militia of the
seigniories on the St. Lawrence, which carried with it a small salary
and comparatively light duties. The leisure thus obtained by Perrot
256 APPENDIX A
was spent largely in writing his various memoirs. He was still living
in 1718, as is evident from his allusion at the end of chap, xxvii to
Louvigny's expeditions (1716, 1717) to punish and afterward pacify
the Outagamis. Further information regarding Perrot's later years
is not available. "In his humble sphere, he always proved himself
brave, loyal, and devoted; and as a writer he was, although without
doubt unpolished and unskilful, yet honest -one who has in his
memoirs known how to speak of himself without boasting, and of
others without fawning, without jealousy, and without vilification."
"The memoir that we have just published is the only one of all Per-
rot's writings which has reached us." From allusions therein, it is
evident that he also wrote ( I ) a memoir on the Outagamis, addressed
to Vaudreuil; and (2) several memoirs on the wars between the
Iroquois and the western tribes, and on the various acts of treachery
committed by the Indians, especially by the Hurons and Ottawas.
- TAILHAN.
An interesting and well-written sketch of Perrot's life forms no. I
of the Parkman Club Papers (Milwaukee, 1896); it was prepared
by Gardner P. Stickney. He has based it mainly on Tailhan's notes,
but has collected other mention and minor details from Charlevoix,
Parkman, Neill, and other writers. - ED.
APPENDIX B
I
[Here is presented information on various topics regarding Indian
society, character, and religious beliefs, which seems more appropriately
grouped here than scattered through the work, especially as some of
the subjects are inconveniently long or general for footnotes. These
articles are chiefly taken from the Handbook of Amer. Indians, vol. ii;
the exceptions are obtained, as indicated, from excellent authorities.
As will be noted, they are arranged in logical sequence, as far as
possible. - ED.]
Social Organization
"North American tribes contained (i) subdivisions of a geo-
graphic or consanguineal character; (2) social and governmental
classes or bodies, especially chiefs and councils, with particular powers
and privileges; and (3) fraternities of a religious or semi-religious
character, the last of which are especially treated under article 'Secret
Societies.' Tribes may be divided broadly into those in which the
organization was loose, the subdivisions being families or bands and
descent being counted prevailingly from father to son ; and those which
were divided into clearly defined groups called gentes or clans, which
were strictly exogamic and more often reckoned descent through the
mother. Among the former may be placed the Eskimo," the Cree,
Montagnais, and Cheyenne, of Algonquian tribes, the Kiowa, etc. ; in
the latter divisions are the Pueblos, Navaho, and the majority of tribes
in the Atlantic and Gulf States, and some others. "Where clans exist
the distinctive character of each is very strongly defined and a man can
become a member only by birth, adoption, or transfer in infancy from
his mother's to his father's clan, or vice versa. Each clan generally
possessed some distinctive totem from which the majority of the per-
sons belonging to it derived their names, certain rights, carvings, and
ceremonies in common, and often the exclusive right to a tract of land.
Although the well-defined caste system of the north Pacific coast, based
on property and the institution of slavery, does not seem to have had
a parallel elsewhere north of Mexico except perhaps among the
258 APPENDIX B [Vol.
Natchez, bravery in war, wisdom in council, oratorical, poetical, or
artistic talents, real or supposed psychic powers — in short, any variety
of excellence whatever served in all Indian tribes to give one prom-
inence among his fellows, and it is not strange that popular recognition
of a man's ability sometimes reacted to the benefit of his descendants.
Although it was always a position of great consequence, leadership in
war was generally separate from and secondary to the civil chieftain-
ship. Civil leadership and religious primacy were much more com-
monly combined. Among the Pueblos all three are united, forming a
theocracy. Councils of a democratic, unconventional kind, in which
wealthy persons or those of most use to the tribe had the greatest in-
fluence, were universal where no special form of council was estab-
lished. . . The tribes possessing a well-defined clan system are
divided into three groups - the north Pacific, southwestern, and east-
ern. . . Among the Plains Indians the Omaha had a highly organ-
ized social system. The tribe was divided into ten gentes called
Villages,' with descent through the father, each of which had one
chief. Seven of these chiefs constituted a sort of oligarchy, and two of
them, representing the greatest amount of wealth, exercised superior
authority. The functions of these chiefs were entirely civil; they
never headed war parties. Below them were two orders of warriors,
from the higher of which men were selected to act as policemen dur-
ing the buffalo hunt. Under all were those who had not yet attained
to eminence. During the buffalo hunts and great ceremonials the
tribe encamped in a regular circle with one opening, like most other
plains tribes. In it each gens and even each family had its definite
position. The two halves of this circle, composed of five clans each,
had different names, but they do not appear to have corresponded to
the phratries of more eastern Indians. A man was not permitted to
marry into the gens of his father, and marriage into that of his mother
was rare and strongly disapproved. Other plains tribes of the Siouan
family probably were organized in much the same manner and reck-
oned descent similarly. The Dakota are traditionally reputed to have
been divided into seven council fires, each of which was at one time
divided into two or three major and a multitude of minor bands.
Whatever their original condition may have been their organization is
now much looser than that of the Omaha. . . The social organiza-
tion of the western and northern Algonquian tribes is not well known.
The Siksika [more commonly known as Blackfeet] have numerous
subdivisions. which have been called gentes; they are characterized by
two] INDIAN TOTEMS 259
descent through the father, but would appear to be more truly local
groups. Each had originally its own chief, and the council composed
of these chiefs selected the chief of the tribe, their choice being gov-
erned rather by the character of the person than by his descent. The
head chief's authority was made effective largely through the volun-
tary cooperation of several societies. The Chippewa, Potawatomi,
Menominee, Miami, Shawnee, and Abnaki in historic times have had
gentes, with paternal descent, which Morgan believed had developed
from a material stage; but this view must be taken with caution, in-
asmuch as there never has been a question as to the form of descent
among the Delawares, who were subjected to white influences at an
earlier date than most of those supposed to have changed. . . The
most advanced social organization north of the Pueblo country was
probably that developed by the Iroquois confederated tribes. Each
tribe consisted of two or more phratries, which in turn embraced one
or more clans, named after various animals or objects, while each clan
consisted of one or more kinship groups called ohwachira. When the
tribes combined to form the confederacy called the Five Nations they
were arranged in three phratries, of two, two, and one tribes respec-
tively. There were originally forty-eight hereditary chieftainships in
the five tribes, and subsequently the number was raised to fifty. Each
chieftainship was held by some one ohwachira, and the selection of a
person to fill it devolved on the child-bearing women of the clan to
which it belonged, more particularly those of the ohwachira which
owned it. The selection had to be confirmed afterward by the tribal
and league councils successively. Along with each chief a vice-chief
was elected, who sat in the tribal council with the chief proper, and
also acted for a leader in time of war, but the chief only sat in the
grand council of the confederacy."- J. R. SWANTON, in Handbook
Amer. Indians.
Totems
' 'Totem" is a corruption by travelers and traders of the Chippewa
nind otem or kitotem, meaning "my own family," "thy own family" -
thence, by extension, "tribe," or "race." "The totem represented an
emblem that was sacred in character and referred to one of the ele-
ments, a heavenly body, or some natural form. If an element, the
device was symbolic; if an object, it might be represented realistically
or by its known sign or symbol. An animal represented by the 'totem'
was always generic; if a bear or an eagle, no particular bear or eagle
was meant. The clan frequently took its name from the 'totem' and
26o APPENDIX B [Vol.
its members might be spoken of as Bear people, Eagle people, etc.
Variants of the word 'totem' were used by tribes speaking languages
belonging to the Algonquian stock, but to all other tribes the word was
foreign and unknown." The use of this term is too often indiscrim-
inate and incorrect, which has obscured its real meaning. "As the
emblem of a family or clan, it had two aspects: (i) the religious,
which concerned man's relations to the forces about him, and involved
the origin of the emblem as well as the methods by which it was se-
cured; and (2) the social, which pertained to man's relation to his
fellow-men and the means by which an emblem became the hereditary
mark of a family, a clan, or society. There were three classes of
'totems:' the individual, the society, and the clan 'totem.' Research
indicates that the individual 'totem' was the fundamental." This
personal "totem" was most often selected from the objects seen in
dreams or visions, since there was a general belief that such an object
became the medium of supernatural help in time of need, and for this
purpose would furnish a man, in his dream, with a song or a peculiar
call by which to summon it to his help. The religious societies were
generally independent of the clan organization; but sometimes they
were in close connection with the clan and the membership under its
control. The influence of the "totem" idea was most developed in
the clan, "where the emblem of the founder of a kinship group became
the hereditary mark of the composite clan, with its fixed, obligatory
duties on all members. . . The idea of supernatural power was
attached to the clan 'totem.' This power, however, was not shown,
as in the personal 'totem,' by according help to individuals, but was
manifested in the punishment of forgetf ulness of kinship. . . While
homage was ceremonially rendered to the special power represented by
the 'totem' of the clan or of the society, the 'totem' itself was not an
object of worship. Nor was the object symbolized considered as the
actual ancestor of the people; the members of the Bear clan did not
believe they were descended from a bear, nor were they always pro-
hibited from hunting the animal, although they might be forbidden to
eat of its flesh or to touch certain parts of its body. The unification
and strength of the clan and tribal structure depended largely on the
restraining fear of supernatural punishment by the 'totemic' powers, a
fear fostered by the vital belief in the potency of the personal 'totem/ "
- ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] INDIAN MODE OF LIFE 261
Mode of Life
It is a popular fallacy that the Indians were generally nomadic,
having no fixed place of abode; "the term nomadic is not, in fact,
properly applicable to any Indian tribe." With some few exceptions,
every tribe or group of tribes "laid claim to and dwelt within the
limits of a certain tract or region, the boundaries of which were well
understood, and were handed down by tradition and not ordinarily
relinquished save to a superior force." There were some debatable
areas, owned by none but claimed by all, over which many disputes and
intertribal wars arose. "Most or all of the tribes east of the Missis-
sippi except in the north, and some west of it, were to a greater or less
extent agricultural and depended much for food on the products of
their tillage. During the hunting season such tribes or villages broke
up into small parties and dispersed over their domains more or less
widely in search of game; or they visited the seashore for fish and
shellfish. Only in this restricted sense may they be said to be no-
madic." Even the plains Indians, who wandered far in hunting the
buffalo, had a certain hold on their tribal territories and recognized the
rights of their neighbors. The natives of the far north, owing to en-
vironment and geographical conditions, most nearly approached the
nomadic life. - HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians,
art. "Popular fallacies."
"Each North American tribe claimed a certain locality as its hab-
itat, and dwelt in communities or villages about which stretched its
hunting grounds. As all the inland people depended for food largely
on the gathering of acorns, seeds, and roots, the catching of salmon
when ascending the streams, or on hunting for meat and skin clothing,
they camped in makeshift shelters or portable dwellings during a con-
siderable part of the year. These dwellings were brush shelters, the
mat house and birch-bark lodge of the forest tribes, and the skin tent
of the plains. . . Hunting, visiting, or war parties were more or
less organized. The leader was generally the head of a family or of
a kindred group, or he was appointed to his office with certain cere-
monies. He decided the length of a day's journey, and where the
camp should be made at night. As all property, save a man's personal
clothing, weapons, and riding horses, belonged to the woman, its care
during a journey fell upon her. . . When a camping place was
reached the mat houses were erected as was most convenient for the
family group, but the skin tents were set up in a circle, near of kin
being neighbors. If danger from enemies was apprehended, the ponies
262 APPENDIX B [Vol.
and other valuable possessions were kept within the space inclosed by
the circle of tents. Long journeys were frequently undertaken for
friendly visits or for intertribal ceremonies. . . When the tribes of
the buffalo country went on their annual hunt, ceremonies attended
every stage, from the initial rites (when the leader was chosen),
throughout the journeyings, to the thanksgiving ceremony which closed
the expedition. The long procession was escorted by warriors selected
by the leader and the chiefs for their trustiness and valor. They acted
as a police guard to prevent any straggling that might result in personal
or tribal danger; and they prevented any private hunting, as it might
stampede a herd that might be in the vicinity. When on the annual
hunt the tribe camped in a circle and preserved its political divisions,
and the circle was often a quarter of a mile or more in diameter.
Sometimes the camp was in concentric circles, each circle representing
a political group of kindred. . . The tribal circle, each segment
composed of a clan, gens, or band, made a living picture of tribal organ-
ization and responsibilities. It impressed upon the beholder the rela-
tive position of kinship groups and their interdependence, both for the
maintenance of order and government within and for defense against
enemies from without; while the opening to the east and the position
of the ceremonial tents recalled the religious rites and obligations by
which the many parts were held together in a compact whole."
- ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
Mental and Moral Traits
"The mental functions of the Indian should be compared with
those of whites reared and living under approximately similar circum-
stances. On closer observation the differences in the fundamental
psychical manifestations between the two races are found to be small.
No instincts not possessed by whites have developed in the Indian. His
proficiency in tracking and concealment, his sense of direction, etc., are
accounted for by his special training and practice, and are not found in
the Indian youth who has not had such experience. The Indian lacks
much of the ambition known to the white man, yet he shows more or
less of the quality where his life affords a chance for it."
"The emotional life of the Indian is more moderate and ordinarily
more free from extremes of nearly every nature, than that of the white
person. The prevalent subjective state is that of content in well-being,
with inclination to humor. Pleasurable emotions predominate, but
seldom rise beyond the moderate; those of a painful nature are oc-
casionally very pronounced. Maternal love is strong, especially during
two] MENTAL AND MORAL TRAITS OF INDIANS 263
the earlier years of the child. Sexual love is rather simply organic,
not of so intellectual an order as among whites ; but this seems to be
largely the result of views and customs governing sex relations and
marriage. The social instinct and that of self-preservation are much
like those of white people. Emotions of anger and hatred are infre-
quent and of normal character. Fear is rather easily aroused at all
ages, in groups of children occasionally reaching a panic; but this is
likewise due in large measure to peculiar beliefs and untrammeled
imagination."
"Modesty, morality, and the sense of right and justice are as natural
to the Indian as to the white man, but, as in other respects, are modi-
fied in the former by prevalent views and conditions of life. Trans-
gressions of every character are less frequent in the Indian. Memory
(of sense impressions as well as of mental acts proper) is generally
fair. Where the faculty has been much exercised in one direction, as
in religion, it acquires remarkable capacity in that particular. The
young exhibit good memory for languages. The faculty of will is
strongly developed. Intellectual activities proper are comparable with
those of ordinary healthy whites, though on the whole, and excepting
the sports, the mental processes are probably habitually slightly
slower. Among many tribes lack of thrift, improvidence, absence of
demonstrative manifestations, and the previously mentioned lack of am-
bition are observable; but these peculiarities must be charged largely,
if not entirely, to differences in mental training and habits. The
reasoning of the Indian and his ideation, though modified by his views,
have often been shown to be excellent. His power of imitation, and
even of invention, is good, as is his aptitude in several higher arts and
in oratory. An Indian child reared under the care of whites, edu-
cated in the schools of civilization, and without having acquired the
notions of its people, is habitually much like a white child trained in a
similar degree under similar conditions." — ALES HRDLICKA, in Hand-
book Amer. Indians, art. "Physiology."
"The idea of the Indian, once popular, suggests a taciturn and
stolid character, who smoked his pipe in silence and stalked reserved
and dignified among his fellows. Unquestionably the Indian of the
Atlantic slope differed in many respects from his kinsmen farther west ;
it may be that the forest Indian of the north and east imbibed some-
thing of the spirit of the primeval woods which, deep and gloomy,
overspread much of his region. If so, he has no counterpart in the
regions west of the Mississippi. On occasions of ceremony and re-
ligion the western Indian can be both dignified and solemn, as befits
264 APPENDIX B [Vol.
the occasion ; but his nature, if not as bright and sunny as that of the
Polynesian, is at least as far removed from moroseness as his dispo-
sition is from taciturnity. The Indian of the present day has at least
a fair sense of humor and is by no means a stranger to jest, laughter,
and even repartee." - HENRY W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer.
Indians ', art. "Popular fallacies."
"The specific question of psychological differences between Indians
and other races is still an unsolved problem," on account of the lack of
adequate data as a basis for conclusions. Some work has been done in
the study and comparison of these differences, but the results are insuf-
ficient for definite general statements. Conflicting theories are in
vogue among anthropologists — one that "the existence of cultural dif-
ferences necessitates the existence of psychological differences;" an-
other, that those "cultural differences are not due to psychological
differences, but to causes entirely external, or outside of the conscious
life," and "considers culture as the sum of habits into which the vari-
ous groups of mankind have fallen." But thus far neither theory has
been satisfactorily proved. "In conclusion, it appears that we have no
satisfactory knowledge of the elemental psychological activities among
Indians, because they have not been made the subjects of research by
trained psychologists. On the other hand, it may be said that in all
the larger aspects of mental life they are qualitatively similar to other
races." — Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Psychology."
Religious Beliefs
"Religious views and actions are not primarily connected with
ethical concepts. Only in so far as in his religious relations to the
outer world man endeavors to follow certain rules of conduct, in order
to avoid evil effects, is a relation between primitive religion and ethics
established. The religious concepts of the Indians may be described
in two groups - those that concern the individual, and those that con-
cern the social group, such as tribe and clan. The fundamental con-
cept bearing upon the religious life of the individual is the belief in
the existence of magic power, which may influence the life of man, and
which in turn may be influenced by human activity. In this sense
magic power must be understood as the wonderful qualities which are
believed to exist in objects, animals, men, spirits, or deities, and which
are superior to the natural qualities of man. This idea of magic
power is one of the fundamental concepts that occurs among all In-
dian tribes. It is what is called manito by the Algonquian tribes;
wakanda, by the Siouan tribes; orenda, by the Iroquois," etc. "The
two] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF THE INDIANS 265
degree to which the magic power of nature is individualized differs
considerably among various tribes. Although the belief in the powers
of inanimate objects is common, we find in America that, on the
whole, animals, particularly the larger ones, are most frequently con-
sidered as possessed of such magic power. Strong anthropomorphic
individualization also occurs, which justifies us in calling these powers
deities. It seems probable that among the majority of tribes besides
the belief in the power of specific objects, a belief in a magic power that
is only vaguely localized exists. In cases where this belief is pro-
nounced, the notion sometimes approaches the concept of a deity or of
a great spirit, which is hardly anthropomorphic in its character. This
is the case, for instance, among the Tsimshian of British Columbia
and among the Algonquian tribes of the great lakes, and also in the
figure of the Tirawa of the Pawnee. . . The whole concept of the
world - or, in other words, the mythology of each tribe — enters to a
very great extent into their religious concepts and activities. The
mythologies are highly specialized in different parts of North America ;
and, although a large number of myths are the common property of
many American tribes, the general view of the world appears to be
quite distinct in various parts of the continent." In the explanation
of the world, the Indian view is quite different from that of the
Semitic mind. The former "accepts the eternal existence of the
world, and accounts for its specific form by the assumption that events
which once happened in early times settled for once and all the form
in which the same kind of event must continue to occur. For in-
stance, when the bear produced the stripes of the chipmunk by scratch-
ing its back, this determined that all chipmunks were to have such
stripes ; or when an ancestor of a clan was taught a certain ceremony,
that same ceremony must be performed by all future generations.
This idea is not by any means confined to America, but is found among
primitive peoples of other continents as well, and occurs even in Se-
mitic cults."
In considering American mythologies five great areas may be dis-
tinguished: (i) The Eskimo area, its mythology characterized by
many purely human hero-tales, and a very few traditions accounting
for the origin of animals (and these mainly in human setting) ; (2)
the North Pacific, "characterized by a large circle of transformer
myths, in which the origin of many of the arts of man are accounted
for, as well as the peculiarities of many animals; (3) the similar tra-
ditions of the western plateau and of the Mackenzie basin area, in
which animal tales abound, many accounting for the present conditions
266 APPENDIX B [Vol.
of the world; (4) the Californian, "characterized by a stronger em-
phasis laid upon creation by will-power than is found in most other
parts of the American continent;" and (5) the great plains, the east-
ern woodlands, and the arid southwest, where the tendency to "sys-
tematization of the myths under the influence of a highly developed
ritual. This tendency is more sharply defined in the south than in the
north and northeast," and has made most progress among the Pueblo
and the Pawnee. "The religious concepts of the Indians deal largely
with the relation of the individual to the magic power mentioned
above, and are specialized in accordance with their general mythologi-
cal concepts, which determine largely the degree to which the powers
are personified as animals, spirits, or deities.
"Another group of religious concepts, which are not less important
than the group heretofore discussed, refers to the relations of the in-
dividual to his internal states, so far as these are not controlled by the
will, and are therefore considered as subject to external magic influ-
ences. Most important among these are dreams, sickness, and death.
These may be produced by obsession, or by external forces which
compel the soul to leave the body. In this sense the soul is considered
by almost all the tribes as not subject to the individual will; it may be
abstracted from the body by hostile forces, and it may be damaged and
killed. The concept of the soul itself shows a great variety of forms.
Very often the soul is identified with life, but we also find commonly
the belief in a multiplicity of souls. . . The soul is also identified
with the blood, the bones, the shadow, the nape of the neck. Based on
these ideas is also the belief in the existence of the soul after death.
Thus, in the belief of the Algonquian Indians of the great lakes, the
souls of the deceased are believed to reside in the far west with the
brother of the great culture-hero [Nanabozho]. Among the Kutenai
the belief prevails that the souls will return at a later period, accom-
panying the culture-hero. Sometimes the land from which the an-
cestors of the tribe have sprung, which in the south is often conceived
of as underground, is of equal importance.
"Since the belief in the existence of magic powers is very strong
in the Indian mind, all his actions are regulated by the desire to retain
the good-will of those friendly to him and to control those that are
hostile." In order to secure the former, the strict observance of a
great variety of proscriptions is needed, many of which fall under the
designation of taboos - especially those of food and of work ; also social.
There are also found, all over the continent, numerous regulations
two] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF THE INDIANS 267
intended to retain the good-will of the food animals, and which are
essentially signs of respect shown to them ; these are especially in vogue
in their hunting. "Respectful behavior toward old people and gener-
ally decent conduct are also often counted among such required acts.
Here also may be included the numerous customs of purification that
are required in order to avoid the ill-will of the powers. These, how-
ever, may better be considered as a means of controlling magic power,
which form a very large part of the religious observances of the Amer-
ican Indians."
"The Indian is not satisfied with the attempt to avoid the ill-will
of the powers, but he tries also to make them subservient to his own
needs. This may be attained in a variety of ways. Perhaps the most
characteristic of all North American methods of gaining control over
supernatural powers is that of the acquisition of one of them as a per-
sonal protector. Generally this process is called the acquiring of a
manito ; and the most common method of acquiring it is for the young
man during the period of adolescence to purify himself by fasting, bath-
ing, and vomiting, until his body is perfectly clean and acceptable to
the supernatural beings. At the same time the youth works himself
by these means, by dancing, and sometimes also by means of drugs, into
a trance, in which he has a vision of the guardian spirit which is to
protect him through life. These means of establishing communica-
tion with the spirit world are in very general use also at other periods
of life. The magic power that man thus acquires may give him
special abilities; it may make him a successful hunter, warrior, or
shaman ; or it may give him power to acquire wealth, success in gam-
bling, or the love of women."
Magic power may also, in the belief of many tribes, be attained by
inheritance; or it may be purchased; or it may be "transmitted by
teaching and by bodily contact with a person who controls such
powers." Another means of controlling the powers of nature is by
prayer; also may be used charms or fetishes. "The charm is either
believed to be the seat of magic power, or it may be a symbol of such
power, and its action may be based on its symbolic significance ; of the
former kind are presumably many objects contained in the sacred
bundles of certain Indians, which are believed to be possessed of sacred
powers." Symbolic actions and divinations are also used for the same
purpose.
"Still more potent means of influencing the powers are offerings
and sacrifices. On the whole, these are not as strongly developed in
268 APPENDIX B [Vol.
North America as they are in other parts of the world. In many
regions human sacrifices were common — for instance, in Mexico and
Yucatan - while in North America they are known only in rare in-
stances, as among the Pawnee. However, many cases of torture, par-
ticularly of self-torture, must be reckoned here. Other bloody sacri-
fices are also rare in North America." On the other hand, sacrifices
of tobacco smoke, of corn, and of parts of food, of small manufactured
objects, and of symbolic objects, are very common."
Another method is "by incantations, which are in a way related to
prayers, but which act rather through the magic influence of the
words. . . In the same way that incantations are related to prayer,
certain acts and charms are related to offerings. We find among al-
most all Indian tribes the custom of performing certain acts, which
are neither symbolic nor offerings, nor other attempts to obtain the
assistance of superior beings, but which are effective through their
own potency. Such acts are the use of lucky objects intended to secure
good fortune; or the peculiar treatment of animals, plants, and other
objects, in order to bring about a change of weather. There is also
found among most Indian tribes the idea that the supernatural powers,
if offended by transgressions of rules of conduct, may be propitiated by
punishment. Such punishment may consist in the removal of the of-
fending individual, who may be killed by the members of the tribe, or
the propitiation may be accomplished by milder forms of punish-
ment. . . Other forms of punishment are based largely on the idea
of purification by fasting, bathing, and vomiting."
Protection against disease is also sought by the help of superhuman
powers. These practices have two distinct forms, according to the
fundamental conception of disease. Disease is conceived of principally
in two forms — either as due to the presence of a material object in the
body of the patient, or as an effect of the absence of the soul from
the body. The cure of disease is intrusted to the shamans or medi-
cine-men, who obtain their powers generally by the assistance of
guardian spirits, or who may be personally endowed with magic
powers. It is their duty to discover the material disease which is
located in the patient's body, and which they extract by sucking or
pulling with the hands; or to go in pursuit of the absent soul, to re-
cover it, and to restore it to the patient. Both of these forms of
shamanism are found practically all over the continent;" but in some
regions one of these theories of the cause of sickness predominates, in
some the other.
two] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF THE INDIANS 269
"The belief that certain individuals can acquire control over the
powers has also led to the opinion that they may be used to harm
enemies. The possession of such control is not always beneficial, but
may be used also for purposes of witchcraft. Hostile shamans may
throw disease into the bodies of their enemies, or they may abduct their
souls. They may do harm by sympathetic means, and control the
will-power of others by the help of the supernatural means at their
disposal. Witchcraft is everywhere considered as a crime, and is so
punished."
"Besides those manifestations of religious belief that relate to the
individual, religion has become closely associated with the social struc-
ture of the tribes ; so that the ritualistic side of religion can be under-
stood only in connection with the social organization of the Indian
tribes. Even the fundamental traits of their social organization
possess a religious import. This is true particularly of the clans, so
far as they are characterized by totems. . . Also in cases where
the clans have definite political functions, like those of the Omaha or
the Iroquois, these functions are closely associated with religious con-
cepts, partly in so far as their origin is ascribed to myths, partly in so
far as the functions are associated with the performance of religious
rites. The position of officials is also closely associated with definite
religious concepts. Thus, the head of a clan at times is considered as
the representative of the mythological ancestor of the clan, and as
such is believed to be endowed with superior powers ; or the position as
officer in the tribe or clan entails the performance of certain definite
religious functions. In this sense many of the political functions
among Indian tribes are closely associated with what may be termed
'priestly functions.' The religious significance of social institutions
is most clearly marked in cases where the tribe, or large parts of the
tribe, join in the performance of certain ceremonies which are intended
to serve partly a political, partly a religious end. Such acts are some
of the intertribal ball-games," the sun-dance and the performances of
the warrior societies of the plains, and the secret societies in so many
tribes. "It is characteristic of rituals in many parts of the world that
they tend to develop into a more or less dramatic representation of
the myth from which the ritual is derived. For this reason the use of
masks is a common feature of these rituals, in which certain individ-
uals impersonate supernatural beings. . . It would seem that the
whole system of religious beliefs and practices has developed the more
systematically the more strictly the religious practices have come to be
270 APPENDIX B [Vol.
in the charge of priests. This tendency to systematization of relig-
ious beliefs may be observed particularly among the Pueblo and the
Pawnee, but it also occurs in isolated cases in other parts of the conti-
nent; for instance, among the Bellacoola of British Columbia, and
those Algonquian tribes that have the Midewiwin ceremony fully de-
veloped. In these cases we find that frequently an1 elaborate series of
esoteric doctrines and practices exist, which are known to only a small
portion of the tribe, while the mass of the people are familiar only
with part of the ritual and with its exoteric features. For this reason
we often find the religious beliefs and practices of the mass of a tribe
rather heterogeneous as compared with the beliefs held by the priests.
Among many of the tribes in which priests are found we find distinct
esoteric societies, and it is not by any means rare that the doctrines of
one society are not in accord with those of another. All this is clearly
due to the fact that the religious ideas of the tribe are derived from
many different sources, and have been brought into order at a later
date by the priests charged with the keeping of the tribal rituals. . .
It would seem that, on the whole, the import of the esoteric teachings
decreases among the more northerly and northeasterly tribes of the
continent."
"On the whole, the Indians incline strongly toward all forms of
religious excitement. This is demonstrated not only by the exuberant
development of ancient religious forms, but also by the frequency with
which prophets have appeared among them, who taught new doctrines
and new rites, based either on older religious beliefs, or on teachings
partly of Christian, partly of Indian origin. Perhaps the best known
of these forms of religion is the ghost-dance, which swept over a large
part of the continent during the last years of the nineteenth century.
But other prophets of similar type and of far-reaching influence were
quite numerous. One of these was Tenskwatawa, the famous brother
of Tecumseh; another, the seer Smohallah, who founded the sect of
Shakers of the Pacific Coast; and even among the Eskimo such pro-
phets have been known, particularly in Greenland." - FRANZ BOAS, in
Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Religion."
"In their endeavors to secure the help of the supernatural powers,
the Indians, as well as other peoples, hold principally three methods:
( I ) The powers may be coerced by the strength of a ritualistic per-
formance; (2) their help may be purchased by gifts in the form of
sacrifices and offerings; or (3) they may be approached by prayer.
Frequently the coercing ritualistic performance and the sacrifice are
two] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF THE INDIANS 271
accompanied by prayers; or the prayer itself may take a ritualistic
form, and thus attain coercive power. In this case the prayer is called
an incantation. Prayers may either be spoken words, or they may be
expressed by symbolic objects, which are placed so that they convey
the wishes of the worshiper to the powers. . . Very often prayers
accompany sacrifices. . . Prayers of this kind very commonly ac-
company the sacrifice of food to the souls of the deceased, as among
the Algonquian tribes, Eskimo, and N.w. coast Indians. The custom
of expressing prayers by means of symbolic objects is found principally
among the southwestern tribes. ["The so-called prayer stick of the
Kickapoo was a mnemonic device for Christian prayer." - WALTER
HOUGH.] Prayers are often preceded by ceremonial purification,
fasting, the use of emetics and purgatives, which are intended to make
the person praying agreeable to the powers. Among the North
American Indians the prayer cannot be considered as necessarily con-
nected with sacrifice or as a substitute for sacrifice, since in a great
many cases prayers for good luck, for success, for protection, or for
the blessing of the powers, are offered quite independently of the idea
of sacrifice. While naturally material benefits are the object of prayer
in by far the majority of cases, prayers for an abstract blessing and for
ideal objects are not by any means absent. . . The Indians pray
not only to those supernatural powers which are considered the pro-
tectors of man — like the personal guardians or the powers of na-
ture — but also to the hostile powers who must be appeased."
- FRANZ BOAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians
Tawiskaron was "an imaginary man-being of the cosmogonic philos-
ophy of the Iroquoian and other tribes, to whom was attributed the
function of making and controlling the activities and phenomena of
winter. He was the Winter God, the Ice King, since his distinctive
character is clearly defined in terms of the activities and phenomena
of nature peculiar to this season. As an earth-power he was one of
the great primal man-beings belonging to the second cosmical period
of the mythological philosophy of the Iroquoian, Algonquian, and
perhaps other Indians." According to the legends, he was a grandson
of Awen'ha'i (the Ataentsic of Huron mythology), or Mother Earth;
and at his birth his body was composed of flint, and he caused the
death of his mother by violently bursting through her armpit - a fault
which he cast on his twin brother, Teharonhiawagon (or Jouskeha of
the Hurons), who in consequence was hated by the grandmother.
Teharonhiawagon was the embodiment or personification of life; he
272 APPENDIX B [Vol.
was the creator and maker of the animals, birds, trees, and plants,
and finally of man. From his father of mysterious origin he had
learned the art of fire-making, and that of agriculture, and how to
build a house; and these arts he communicated to mankind. In all
his beneficent endeavors he was opposed by Awen'ha'i and Tawiskaron,
who continually strove to thwart his plans; but by the counsels of his
father and his superior magic power he was able to gain the ascendency
over them and became (at a contest in playing the game of bowl) the
ruler of the world. "The great and most important New Year cere-
mony among the Iroquois who still hold to their ancient faith and
customs, at which is burned a purely white dog as a sacrifice, is held
in honor of Teharonhiawagon for his works, blessings, and goodness,
which have been enjoyed by the people." - J. N. B. HEWITT, in Hand-
book Amer. Indians.
Tawiskaron is practically identical with Chakekenapok in Algon-
quian mythology, a younger brother of Nanabozho.
Prophets
"From time to time in every great tribe and every important crisis
of Indian history we find certain men rising above the position of
ordinary doctor, soothsayer, or ritual priest to take upon themselves
an apostleship of reform and return to the uncorrupted ancestral be-
lief and custom as the necessary means to save their people from im-
pending destruction by decay or conquest. In some cases the teaching
takes the form of a new Indian gospel, the revolutionary culmination
of a long and silent development of the native religious thought. As
the faithful disciples were usually promised the return of the earlier
and happier conditions, the restoration of the diminished game, the
expulsion of the alien intruder, and reunion in earthly existence with
the priests who had preceded them to the spirit world -all to be
brought about by direct supernatural interposition - the teachers have
been called prophets. While all goes well with the tribe the religious
feeling finds sufficient expression in the ordinary ritual forms of tribal
usage, but when misfortune or destruction threatea the nation or the
race, the larger emergency brings out the prophet, who strives to avert
the disaster by molding his people to a common purpose through in-
sistence upon the sacred character of his message and thus furnishes
support to the chiefs in their plans for organized improvement or re-
sistance. Thus it is found that almost every great Indian warlike
combination has had its prophet messenger at the outset, and if all the
two] THE SHAWNEE PROPHET 273
facts could be known we should probably find the rule universal.
Among the most noted of these aboriginal prophets and reformers with-
in our area are: Pope, of the Pueblo revolt of 1680; the Delaware
prophet of Pontiac's conspiracy, 1762; Tenskwatawa, the Shawnee
prophet, 1805; Kanakuk, the Kickapoo reformer, 1827; Tavibo, the
Paiute, 1870; Nakaidoklini, the Apache, 1881 ; Smohalla, the dreamer
of the Columbia, 1870-1885 ; and Wovoka or Jack Wilson, the Paiute
prophet of the Ghost Dance, 1889 and later." (Consult Mooney,
"Ghost Dance Religion," in I4th Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, part ii, 1896.) - JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook
Amer. Indians.
The Shawnee Prophet
You are very well acquainted with the residence of the Shawnoe
Prophet,100 at or near the mouth of the Tipicanoe, we may date our
difficulties with the Indians from the time he and his followers first
100 Tenskwatawa, "the Shawnee Prophet," was a twin brother of Tecumseh.
When quite a young man he apparently died; but when his friends assembled
for the funeral he revived from his trance, and told them that he had re-
turned from a visit to the spirit world. In November, 1805, when he was
hardly more than thirty years of age, he called around him his tribesmen and
their allies, and announced himself as the bearer of a new revelation from the
Master of Life, which he had received in the spirit world. He denounced the
witchcraft and juggleries of the medicine-men, and the "fire-water" obtained
from the whites as poison and accursed ; and warned his hearers of the misery
and punishment which would follow all these evil practices. He advocated
more respect for the aged, community of property, the cessation of intermar-
riages between the whites and Indian women ; and urged the Indians to discard
all clothing, tools, and customs introduced by the whites, and to return to their
primitive mode of life. Then they would be received into Divine favor, and
regain the happiness that they had known before the coming of the whites.
He claimed that he had received power to cure all diseases and avert death in
sickness or battle. This preaching aroused great excitement and a crusade
against all who were supposed to practice witchcraft. The Prophet fixed his
headquarters at Greenville, Ohio, where many persons came from various
tribes of the northwest to learn the new doctrines. To lend these authority, he
announced various dreams and revelations, and in 1806 predicted an eclipse of
the sun; the fulfilment of this brought him great prestige, and enthusiastic
acceptance as a true prophet. The movement spread far to the south and the
northwest; it added many recruits to the British forces in the War of 1812,
and occasioned the bloody Creek War of 1813. But the influence of the Pro-
phet and his doctrines were destroyed by the battle of Tippecanoe ; after the war
came to an end Tenskwatawa received a pension from the British government
and resided in Canada until 1826. Then he rejoined his tribe in Ohio, and
soon afterward removed with them to Kansas; he died there in November,
274 APPENDIX B
settled at that place, not that I believe that his first intention was
inimical to the views of the United States, but when he found, he had
got such influence over the different Indians he immediately changed
his discourse and from the instructions he occasionally received from
the British, he was continually preaching up the necefsity of the In-
dians to have no intercourse with the Americans; as you will see in
his form of prayers that he learnt to all his followers. I was informed
by a very intelligent young man who has been often at the Prophet's
village, and who has conversed with the Prophet and Tecumseh, he
gave me the following history of the Prophet.
The Prophet with all his brothers are pure Indians of the Shawa-
noe nation, and when a boy, was a perfect vagabond and as he grew
up he w* not hunt and became a great drunkard. While he lived near
Greenville in the State of Ohio, where spirituous liquor are plenty he
was continually intoxicated ; having observed some preachers 101 who
lived in the vicinity of Greenville a preaching or rather the motions,
etc., in preaching (as he cannot understand a word of English) it had
such an effect on him, that one night he dremt that the Great Spirit
found fault with his way of living, that he must leave of [f] drinking,
and lead a new life, and also instruct all the red people the proper way
of living. He immediately refrained from drinking any kind of spir-
ituous liquor, and recommended it strongly to all the Indians far
and near to follow his example, and laid down certain laws that was
to guide the red people in future. I shall here give you as many of
those laws or regulations as I can now remember, but I know I have
forgot many.
Ist Spirituous liquor was not to be tasted by any Indians on any
account whatever.
2nd No Indian was to take more than one wife in future, but
those who now had two three or more wives might keep them, but it
would please the Great Spirit if they had only one wife.
3d No Indian was to be runing after the women; if a man was
single let him take a wife.
1837, at the present town of Argentine. "Although his personal appearance
was marred by blindness in one eye, Tenskwatawa possessed a magnetic and
powerful personality; and the religious fervor he created among the Indian
tribes, unless we except that during the recent 'ghost dance' disturbance, has
been equaled at no time since the beginning of white contact." — JAMES MOONEY,
in Handbook Amer. Indians.
101 These were Shaker missionaries to the Indians, according to Forsyth (see
his sketch of Tecumseh and the Prophet in vol. iv of Forsytk Papers). — Eo.
SHAWNEE PROPHET
THE SHAWNEE PROPHET 277
4th If any married woman was to behave ill by not paying proper
attention to her work, etc., the husband had a right to punish her
with a rod, and as soon as the punishment was over, both husband
and wife, was to look each other in the face and laugh, and to bear no
ill will to each other for what had pafsed.
5th All Indian women who were living with whitemen was to be
brought home to their friends and relations, and their children to be
left with their fathers, so that the nations might become genuine
Indians.
6th All medicine bags, and all kinds of medicine dances and songs
were to exist no more; the medicine bags were to be destroyed in
presens of the whole of the people collected for that purpose, and at
the destroying of such medicine, etc., every one was to make open 102
confefsion to the Great Spirit in a loud voice of all the bad deeds that
he or she had committed during their lifetime, and beg for forgivenefs
as the Great Spirit was too good to refuse.
7th No Indian was to sell any of their provision to any white
people, they might give a little as a present, as they were sure of get-
ting in return the full value in something else.
8th No Indian was to eat any victuals that was cooked by a White
person, or to eat any provisions raised by White people, as bread, beef,
pork, fowls, etc.
9th No Indian must offer skins or furs or any thing else for
sale, but ask to exchange them for such articles that they may want.
ioth Every Indian was to consider the French, English, and Span-
iards, as their fathers or friends, and to give them their hand, but they
were not to know the Americans on any account, but to keep them at
a distance.
IIth All kind of white people's drefs, such as hats, coats, etc.,
were to be given to the first whiteman they met as also all dogs not of
their own breed, and all cats were to be given back to white people.
12th The Indians were to endeavour to do without buying any
merchandise as much as pofsible, by which means the game would be-
come plenty, and then by means of bows and arrows, they could hunt
and kill game as in former days, and live independent of all white
people.
13th All Indians who refused to follow these regulations were to
be considered as bad people and not worthy to live, and must be put to
102 "Indians who have been present at some of these confessions, have re-
peated them to me, and certainly they were ridiculous in the extreme."
— T. FORSYTH (marginal note).
278 APPENDIX B [Vol.
death. (A Kickapoo Indian was actually burned in the spring of the
year 1809 at the old Kickapoo Town for refusing to give up his med-
icine bag, and another old man and old woman was very near sharing
the same fate at the same time and place).
14th The Indians in their prayers prayed to the earth, to be fruit-
ful, also to the fish to be plenty, to the fire and sun, etc., and a certain
dance was introduced simply for amusement, those prayers were re-
peated morning and evening, and they were taught that a diviation
from these duties would offend the Great Spirit. There were many
more regulations but I now have forgot them, but those above men-
tioned are the principal ones.
The Prophet had his disciples among every nation of Indians, from
Detroit in Michigan Territory, to the Indians on the Mifsifsippi and
[I] have since been informed, that, there were disciples of the Prophet,
among all the Indians of the Mifsouri and as far north as Hudson Bay
(see Tanner's narrative) always reserving the supreme authority to
himself, viz, that he (the Prophet) might be considered the head of
the whole of the different nations of Indians, as he only, could see and
converse with the Great Spirit. As every nation was to have but one
village, by which means they would be always together in case of dan-
ger. The Pottawatimie Indians in the course of one season got tired of
this strict way of living, and declared off, and joined the main poque,103
as he never would acknowledge the Prophet as his superiour, seeing
perfectly that he the Prophet was seeking enfluence among the differ-
ent Indian nations. Many Indians still follow the dictates of the
Prophet in a great measure. The Prophet's plan in the first instance
was to collect by fair means all the Indians he could, to live in the
same village with him, and when he thought his party sufficiently
strong, he would oblidge the others to come into measures by force,
and when so afsembled in great numbers, that he would be able to
give laws to the white people. Tecumseh 104 has been heard to say,
103 "The Main Poque was a pure Pottawatimie Indian, and a great juggler,
and made the credulous Indians believe every thing he said, he had great
influence among the Chipeways, Ottawas, Pottawatimies, Kicapoos, Sauks, Fox
and other Indians. He died along Lake Michigan in summer of 1816."
-T. FORSYTH (marginal note).
See note 76 for sketch of this chief.- ED.
104 Tecumseh (properly Tikamthi or Tecumtha) was a celebrated Shawnee
chief, born in 1768 at the Shawnee village of Piqua (which was destroyed by
the Kentuckians in 1780) ; his father and two brothers were killed in battle
with the whites. "While still a young man Tecumseh distinguished himself
two] THE SHAWNEE PROPHET 279
"We must not leave this place" (meaning Tipicanoe) 105 "we must
remain stedfast here, to keep those people who wear hats, in check;"
he also observed to the Indians, "no white man who walks on the
earth, loves an Indian, the white people are made up with such ma-
terials, that they will always deceive us, even the British who says
they love us, is because they may want our services, and as we yet
want their goods, we must, therefore, shew them some kind of
friendship." - THOMAS FORSYTH, in unpublished letter to Gen. Wil-
liam Clark (St. Louis, Dec. 23, 1812) ; in Forsyth Papers, vol. ix.
in the border wars of the period, but was noted also for his humane character,
evinced by persuading his tribe to discontinue the practice of torturing prisoners.
Together with his brother Tenskwatawa the Prophet, he was an ardent oppon-
ent of the advance of the white man, and denied the right of the government to
make land purchases from any single tribe, on the ground that the territory,
especially in the Ohio valley country, belonged to all the tribes in common. On
the refusal of the government to recognize this principle, he undertook the
formation of a great confederacy of all the western and southern tribes for
the purpose of holding the Ohio River as the permanent boundary between the
two races. In pursuance of this object he or his agents visited every tribe from
Florida to the head of the Missouri River. White Tecumseh was organizing
the work in the south his plans were brought to disastrous overthrow by the
premature battle of Tippecanoe under the direction of the Prophet, Nov. 7,
x8ix." He fought for the British in the War of 1812, and was created by them
a brigadier-general, having under his command some 2,000 warriors of the
allied tribes. Finally, at the battle on Thames River (near the present
Chatham, Ontario), the allied British and Indians were utterly defeated by
General Harrison, Oct. 5, 1813 ; and in this contest Tecumseh was killed, being
then in his forty-fifth year. He may be considered the most extraordinary
Indian character in United States history. — JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer.
Indians.
105 Tippecanoe was a noted village site on the west bank of the Wabash
River, just below the mouth of Tippecanoe River, Indiana. "It was origin-
ally occupied by the Miami, the earliest known occupants of the region, and
later by the Shawnee, who were in possession when it was attacked and de-
stroyed by the Americans under Wilkinson in 1791, at which time it contained
one hundred and twenty houses. It was soon after rebuilt and occupied by
the Potawatomi, and finally on their invitation became the headquarters of
Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, with their followers, whence the
name Prophetstown." Gen. W. H. Harrison marched against them with nine
hundred men, and near the town his army was attacked by the Indians (Nov.
7, 1811), under command of the Prophet. The battle of Tippecanoe resulted
in the complete defeat and dispersion of the Indians, with considerable loss
on both sides. The site was reoccupied for a short time a few years later.
— JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
28o APPENDIX B [Vol.
The Kickapoo Prophet
Sometime last month (October, 1832) a party of Kicapoo Indians
were encamped near the River des Peres, and about a mile from my
place of residence (my farm). Curiosity led me to go and see them,
as I was formerly acquainted with some of their old people. I found
them to be the Prophet or Preachers 106 party, in going into their
camp I was much surprised to find their dogs so quiet and peaceable,
in every camp or lodge of every individual, a piece of flat wood hung
up about three inches broad and twelve or fifteen inches long on
which were burned with a hot iron (apparently) a number of straight
and crooked marks, this stick or board so marked they called their
Bible. Those Indians told me that they worked six days and the
seventh they done no kind of work, but prayed to the Great Spirit,
that no men of their community were allowed to have more than one
wife, that none, either young or old, male or female, were allowed
to paint themselves, that they never made, or intended to make, war,
against any people that they never stole, tell lies or do any thing bad,
that those who would not learn their prayers according to the direction
of the Preacher, he or she was punished with a whip by a man ap-
pointed for that purpose, that spirituous liquor was not to be tasted
by any one belonging to the community on pain of death but they
were to do unto all people, as they wished to be done by. The Kic-
apoo nation is divided into two parties, one party under the Prophet
or Preacher the other, (which is the largest party) are under their
chiefs now living west of this State (Mifsouri) where the party under
the Prophet is on their way to join them, and no doubt will try and
bring them all under his control. I should not be surprised, if this
ice This is evidently a reference to Kanakuk, a prophet who arose among
the Kickapoo after they ceded their lands (1819) to the United States, and
part of the tribe migrated to Spanish territory. Kanakuk exhorted the re-
mainder of his people to remain in Illinois, to lead moral lives, to abandon
their old superstitions, to live in peace with one another and with the white
men, and to avoid all use of intoxicating liquors. Those of his people who
remained in Illinois accepted him as their chief, and "many of the Potawatomi
of Michigan became his disciples. He displayed a chart of the path, leading
through fire and water, which the virtuous must pursue to reach the 'happy
hunting grounds,' and furnished his followers with prayer-sticks [described
above by Forsyth] graven with religious symbols. When in the end the
Kickapoo were removed to Kansas he accompanied them and remained their
chief, still keeping drink away from them, until he died of smallpox in 1852."
(See Mooney's account in Fourteenth Report of Bureau of American Ethnology
[1896], 692-700.) -Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] THE WINNEBAGO MESCAL-EATERS 281
preaching of the Prophet of the Kicapoo Indians, is the commencement
of a religion which will take place among all the different Indian
nations, who are, and are to be settled, in a country west of this State
(Mifsouri) and my present impression is, that it ought to be encour-
aged by the government as it inculcates peace and good will to all
men. I have been informed that the above party on their way to
their place of destination, were seen punishing several of their people
with a whip, for something they done wrong. — THOMAS FORSYTH
(memorandum at end of vol. ix of Forsyth Papers).
The Winnebago Mescal-eaters
In this connection, the following note is of especial interest. It is
furnished by Mr. Thomas R. Roddy (also known as "White Buf-
falo" ) . Among that tribe considerable progress has been made in late
years by a "new religion," popularly designated as that of the "mescal-
eaters," or the "mescal-button." Our readers are indeed fortunate in
having this interesting account of its history and results, from so au-
thoritative a source ; it is sent to the editor by Mr. Roddy from Winne-
bago, Neb., under date of April 15, 1909. - ED.
I enclose a short history of the Mescal-eaters of the Winnebago
tribe, as I know them from personal experience among them, and
from conversations with the leading members of the cult. The name
of Mescal-eaters is generally used, and its members call themselves
by it, in their talk ; but it is erroneous, as these people never used the
mescal-bean in any form. This is a small red bean, nearly round, and
similar in shape to the common navy bean; while what the Winne-
bagoes and many other tribes use is called "peyote," 107 which is a
107Peyote (a name of Nahuatl origin) : a kind of cactus (Lophophora wil-
liamsii, Coulter; also named Anhalonium lewinii), found along the lower Rio
Grande and in Mexico, which long has been used for ceremonial and medicinal
purposes by the southern and Mexican tribes; it has been incorrectly confused
by the whites with the maguey cactus, from which the intoxicant mescal is
prepared. "The peyote plant resembles a radish in size and shape, the top
only appearing above ground. From the center springs a beautiful white
blossom, which is later displaced by a tuft of white down. North of the Rio
Grande this top alone is used, being sliced and dried to form the so-called
'button.' In Mexico the whole plant is cut into slices, dried, and used in de-
coction, while the ceremony also is essentially different from that of the northern
tribes." This plant has been examined and tested at Washington, and "tests
thus far made indicate that it possesses varied and valuable medicinal proper-
ties, tending to confirm the idea of the Indians, who regard it almost as a
panacea." Among the Mexican tribes, the chief feature of the ceremony is a
282 APPENDIX B [Vol.
cactus growth, found in southern Texas and Mexico. It is a round,
flat pod, one to two inches in diameter; it is used in their church ser-
vices, being eaten and also made into tea, which is passed to the mem-
bers at intervals during services. These services are usually held
Saturday nights, beginning about eight o'clock, and lasting till about
the same hour Sunday morning ; and are of a very religious and solemn
nature. God is their guide, and they use the Bible and quotations
from it all through the services; they have short speeches by the mem-
bers, singing of sacred songs, and playing on the small medicine drum ;
and they use the sacred gourd rattle, on which are traced drawings of
Christ, the cross and crown, the shepherd's crook, and other religious
emblems. The drawings or carvings are done with great skill and
show the work of an artist. Each member on joining is presented
with one of these musical gourds, which he uses during services.
Speeches are usually made in their native Indian tongue, but when
whites are present the speech is interpreted into the English language.
On this reservation the membership is about three hundred, and they
have a very comfortable church. When they visit where there is no
church they erect a large cloth tepee, and hold services here for win-
ning converts. Their altar is in the shape of a heart, about eight
feet in length, and is built of cement ; the members sit around this altar.
Medicine-eating can be traced back in this country about 200 years ;
it was first introduced by the Miskarora [i.e., Mescaleros], a tribe of
old Mexico, among the Apaches and Timgas of Oklahoma - the
Apaches introducing it among the Comanches, Kiowas, Cheyennes,
Arapahoes, and Otoes. Twelve years ago the Otoes brought the new
religion to the Winnebagoes and Omahas of Nebraska, where now
about one-third of each tribe are members ; and they are the most pros-
perous people of the tribe. In talking with Albert Hensley, one of the
prominent leaders, he said : "The mescal was formerly used improper-
ly, but since it has been used in connection with the Bible it is proving
a great benefit to the Indians. Now we call our church the Union
Church, instead of Mescal-eaters. Our ways may seem peculiar to
dance; but among the northern Plains tribes "it is rather a ceremony of prayer
and quiet contemplation. It is usually performed as an invocation for the
recovery of some sick person. . . The number of 'buttons' eaten by one
individual during the night varies from ten to forty, and even more, the drug
producing a sort of spiritual exaltation differing entirely from that produced by
any other known drug, and apparently without any reaction." — JAMES MOONEY,
in Handbook Amer. Indians.
two] THE WINNEBAGO MESCAL-EATERS 283
some people, but our worship is earnest, and [we address] the same
God as others do. We are doing this not to protect this medicine, but
for God, as others do, and are not trying to deceive other Christian
people. In doing so we would destroy ourselves and our God. Some
try to stop our worshiping, but it is the work of God and cannot be
stopped." Medicine-eating is praised highly by the members, and op-
posed as bitterly by the other faction. I have attended several of the
meetings, and have also experienced the eating and drinking of the
"peyote" medicine, with no bad effects. It is very surprising, the way
the Indians have become familiar with the Bible, and how closely they
try to follow the teachings of Jesus. By using the medicine in con-
nection with the Bible, they are able to understand the Bible. Many
members I have known twenty-five or thirty years, who formerly had
been greatly addicted to the use of liquors and tobacco, and other
vices; all have quit these bad habits and live for their religion. I
cannot see wherein their minds have become impaired, as many talk
and write, but I can see great improvements and advancement among
the members. They are the best business men among this tribe, and
their credit is good wherever they are known. John Rave, the leader,
is one of the old-type Indians, of fine personal appearance, and has used
the medicine twelve years; and any one would be pleased to engage
him in conversation and hear his explanations of the Bible, and talk
on the benefits and happiness enjoyed through this new religion. One
wrong and misleading fact is the name "Mescal-eaters," which seems
to cling to the minds of the general public. The Winnebagoes have
the credit of being the first to use the Bible in conjunction with this
medicine.
APPENDIX C
From a mass of correspondence incident to the preparation of the
present work, the editor has selected the following extracts from letters,
etc., written by persons who know from actual observation and expe-
rience the facts regarding what they state, and who are reliable and
competent observers. Rev. Henry I. Westropp is a Jesuit missionary
among the (Oglala) Sioux at Pine Ridge Agency, S. Dak. Franklin
W. Calkins is the author of various books and magazine stories of
Indian and frontier life; he has seen much of the Indians, and at one
time lived among some of the Sioux and was adopted into their tribe.
Rev. William Metzdorf (a secular priest), of St. Francis, Wis., was
formerly a missionary among the Potawatomi of Kansas. Rev. J.
Stucki is a Protestant missionary among the Winnebago of Wisconsin,
at Black River Falls, Wis.; and Thomas R. Roddy is (as mentioned
on page 281). These letters are used here, to give some idea of the
character and present condition or status of the above tribes. — ED.
The Sioux
The Sioux have always been a religious-minded people, and -it seems
that even before the advent of the white men they believed in one God,
whom they called the "Great Holy One" - great, as compared to a
numerous band of other "holy ones" that they had. With such fruit-
ful soil to work in, it was easy for the Christian missionary to sow the
seed of the gospel. Their ideas of morality had always been strict, and
these ideas still remain today. The Indian maidens are exceedingly
bashful; they will run at the approach of a stranger, or, if that is
impossible, hide their faces in their shawls ; they dare not speak to any
one in public, and at times refuse to answer even necessary questions.
None of the Indians, as a rule, manifest their feelings in the way that
white people do. Usually the Indian does not thank you for any bene-
fit; he cannot blush, or if he does no one can see it; his code of honor
is the contrary of the white man's, and his etiquette is very simple.
This has led many to believe that he is taciturn, impassive, and un-
THE SIOUX 285
emotional; and yet nothing is more false. Conversation, social din-
ners, and smokes are the Indian's life. Two never talk at once ; each
one has his turn. Their inclination to curiosity may be estimated by
the fact that they will recognize any one passing their house, a mile
away, and perhaps tell him a year afterward what kind of a horse he
was riding - something that they certainly could not do unless they
were accustomed to scrutinize everything most curiously. When any
one of their kindred is sick, they must travel miles and miles to show
their sympathy; and if he dies, this event (as also his burial) is the
occasion for all kinds of expressions of their sympathy and regret. To
indicate this, they often cut their hair and dress in black for a year or
more. Often they give away, at the death of a dear relative, all they
possess — calico, food, blankets, ponies ; and even the house is torn down.
This idea of giving away everything, of doing "the big thing," is
doubtless a beautiful trait, but it prevents progress. On the occasion
of an Omaha dance or a Fourth of July celebration, the generous Sioux
will stand up and give away anything and everything. An Indian can
exercise no self-control in this respect; if he feels sad, he would give
away the globe, if he owned it. In all his dealings he presents the
figure of a grown-up child ; and yet there is scarcely a white man who
will not cheat this child wherever he can. It is a mistaken policy to
treat them as grown-up persons. They have land, cattle, and every-
thing imaginable issued to them; but as long as there is not an over-
seer with them to hold them down, and teach them how to use the
land and implements they get, these are useless. Like a set of boys,
when tired of work they run off and play ; they cast everything aside,
cattle, family, and all ; they join a Buffalo Bill show, go off to another
tribe on a visit, and so on. If one man gets a good start, there will
be so many visitors around that he is scarcely to be envied. They are
great visitors ; that is their principal occupation. Their horses are run
down to skin and bone, their places neglected, and everything thrown
to the wind, so that they may go and visit their relatives, or other
tribes. The weekly dance, the semi-monthly trip for rations, and trips
to the store and the railroad, leave them but little remaining time for
work. Under these circumstances, acquiring wealth or even support-
ing themselves is out of the question. Their miserable huts are hot-
beds of disease ; dirty clothes and blankets, ditto. Food of all and any
kind, or none at all; carelessness in wet and cold seasons; lack of
knowledge how to take care of themselves; lack of medical attend-
ance - all these are working frightful havoc among them. Although
286 APPENDIX C [Vol.
they are scattered over so immense a territory, the missionary is doing
what he can to teach them, and urging them to work and stay at home.
He helps them out of his own pocketbook, tries to secure by foresight
their seed in time, and procures for them the means to aid themselves ;
but this work is nothing to what it could be, since we so greatly lack
the necessary means, ourselves living on charity. There is no reason
why this great and noble tribe should not be saved, if we had the
means. The missionary has great influence over them, and so has the
religion which they embrace. The tribe ought to double its numbers
every few years, for their fertility is great. The number of twins
born among them surpasses belief, and every Indian woman gives birth
to eight or ten children. Where are they? you ask; go find them in
the graveyard.
There seems to be an impression in many quarters that the Indian
is a liar and a thief; but nothing is farther from the truth. In-
dians are, like children, very unreliable, and I never take them too
seriously. They are liable to say anything that comes into their heads,
and their language is full of exaggerations. If they mean to say that
a man laughed, or was frightened, or hungry, they will say that he
died of laughter, or fright, or hunger. Burglary is unknown among
them. When one of them leaves his tent, he puts a stick of wood in
front of the flap, and no one will enter while he is gone. Knocking a
man on the head for the sake of his money is unknown. If the Indian
steals from the white man, he is practically taking back what belongs
to him ; and if, when at times he feels the gnawing pangs of hunger, he
goes out and kills whatever cattle he may find, what wonder is it?
Wilful murder is also very, very uncommon; and when Indians are
brought before the courts their troubles are usually caused by drink,
the worst enemy of these people. Drink is certainly the king of all
the evils existing out here. The Indian will pawn his last shirt for a
drink of "holy water," as he calls it. The Indians here (at Pine
Ridge) being far removed from the railroad, liquor has not wrought
such ravages here as among some other tribes; but unless the govern-
ment takes strong measures against whisky-sellers the evil will be the
same here as on other reservations — for the Indians are nothing else
but children, and cannot resist a seducer.
- REVEREND HENRY I. WESTROPP, S J., Pine Ridge, S. Dak.
You will find in my latest book, The Wooing of Tokala, a clear
statement of my impressions regarding Indian character. Although
two] THE POTTAWATOMI 287
this bpok is in the form of a novel, or story, it is primarily expository.
In its dealings with Siouan sociology and, I may boldly add, psychology,
it is endorsed by all educated Sioux, and by all its readers who have
known the Sioux tongue and tribal life. It is in fact an intimate study
of the Indians at first hand, and in it I have given conscientiously my
best studies of the Dakota people. In the character of Tokala may be
seen the chaste Sioux maiden - not at her best, because I haven't the
ability to present her at her best; nor do I know of any one who is
able to set forth fully the subtle nuances of Indian character. But I
have in that book dealt as amply as I could with the moral character
of the Dakota. Their standards of morality are very high, and their
children are trained in accordance with these. When I lived among
them there were only a very few disorderly or bad characters in the
entire tribe ; and these were regarded in precisely the same light as such
persons are in any moral and well-regulated community of white
people. - FRANKLIN WELLES CALKINS, Maine, Minn.
The Pottawatomi
Out on the bare prairies of Kansas I lived with the Pottawatomi
Indians for four years, and became as one of their tribe; and what I
here relate is based mostly on my own observations, or on traditions
preserved in the tribe and told to me by the Indians. When the Pot-
tawatomis first came into contact with the whites they occupied lands
in southern Michigan and Wisconsin; about the time of the Revolu-
tionary War they gradually left Michigan entirely and settled on their
Wisconsin lands. About 1850 most of them went across the Missis-
sippi, following the trail of the buffalo, and dispersed over the great
western plains; a smaller number remained in the Wisconsin woods.
Later, the government gave those of the plains a reservation on the
Kansas River; but part of these lands were sold, and now the remnant
of the tribe, about 1,200 in number, are living on their reservation in
the northeastern corner of Kansas - besides a band who settled on the
Pottawatomie reservation in Oklahoma, and those who now live on
reservations in the northern part of Wisconsin. At times the latter
Indians receive visits from their tribesmen in the south, who like to
revisit their old Wisconsin home, which some of them still remember.
Their language is very like that of the Ojibwa, the Ottawas, and
the Kickapoos; and its soft and harmonious, but brief and clear-cut,
sounds tell us that we are dealing with a race of fine feeling, and manly
but peaceable character. In many respects it is a beautiful language ;
288 APPENDIX C
it is the very embodiment of system and regularity, and is very eu-
phonic, with no harsh, grating sounds. The general rule is, that after
each consonant a vowel follows; and when two or more consonants
meet they readily combine and flow together. It is a language of
verbs, almost four-fifths of its words being of that class ; and it abounds
in inflections, every phase of being, thought, or action being expressed
by some termination. In it the letters n, f, 1, r, v, x, y, z are lacking,
except in words of foreign origin; and every written letter is pro-
nounced. There are nine conjugations in this language, and each one
can be used affirmatively, negatively, and dubitatively ; moreover, a
verb can be used to express any phase of thought. There is to-day a
considerable literature in the Ojibwa language, including even a news-
paper, the Anishinabe Enamiad (i.e., The Catholic Indian), which is
published weekly by the missionaries in Harbor Springs, Mich., and is
read by many of the Pottawatomis. I began the preparation of a
Pottawatomi grammar, the first attempt at such a book (and in their
dialect nothing has yet been published except a prayer-book) ; but I
was called to another field, and did not finish it.
The idea that some people have of these Indians, that they are
wild, cruel savages, or a race who can not be civilized, is entirely
wrong and false. On the contrary, we find that with their bad habits -
which I am sorry to say were taught to them mostly by white
men — they have many very good qualities. If they are not quite as
friendly toward the whites as we could wish, we must attribute this
to the fact that they have not been treated right by the whites. The
side of their life that I most admire is the quiet and peaceful family
life. They very seldom quarrel in their homes, and the women do
their work quietly and take care of their children, whom they love with
greater affection than do many of the white women. I have never
seen an Indian cruel to his children, and their patience with the faults
of the children is astonishing. The curse of divorce is hardly known
among them; they really believe in the indissolubility of the marriage
bond, and, if the married pair have differences and become angered at
each other, one of the two goes to stay with some neighbor until the
other asks him or her to return and promises to be good again.
They dislike water, even for mere hygienic purposes, and their
passion for strong drink has become proverbial; but they know their
weakness, and I had in my congregation a great many Indians who
belonged to the Temperance League and never touched a drop of any
intoxicant. Their dislike for hard work is a characteristic which they
PECHECHO (Potawattomi)
THE POTTAWATOMI 291
have in common with many other races. But a peculiar feature which
I often notice is hard to explain : the Indian man seems to have an ab-
horrence for sickness. If a member of his family is sick he usually
leaves the house, goes to stay with some neighbor, and sends the neigh-
bor's wife to his home to take care of his sick wife or child. Thus I
often arrived at a sick-bed and found the poor family alone, because the
neighbor had not yet come.
A very large part of the Pottawatomis are still heathens, and stick
to their old religion with the same tenacity which the Christian con-
verts show in their new faith. The former are less civilized, and never
use the English language in their conversation, even when they are
able to speak it. Naturally they sometimes show that they consider
the Christians as renegades, and too great friends of the white men,
and will not take part in any of their doings unless the whole tribe is
interested in it. They believe in a Supreme Being, Kitchi Manito,
the creator and benefactor of all mankind ; they honor and adore him
in the sun, and therefore they often call him Kisis, which means "the
sun," or "month." They worship this God through their so-called
dances, which are really religious ceremonies. Especially among this
tribe, there are three great dances, each one lasting from two to three
weeks: the first one, called the "green bean dance," is celebrated early
in the summer, when the bean, one of their staple products, is ready
for the table. The second, the most elaborate of all, the "green corn
dance," 108 is celebrated when the corn is in its milk, in the right stage
of growth to rejoice every Indian's heart. First, they all stack up as
much hay as they need to feed their horses over winter, and as soon
as the last haystack is completed they pack up their tents and travel to
their dancing-ground, where they will stay until all celebrations are
over. Later on, in the fall, they usually have a "Powou," a celebra-
tion corresponding to our Thanksgiving, the turkey being the central
figure at the dancing-ground. This is a circular field prepared for
that purpose; it is in the neighborhood of the chief's house, on the
border of Big Soldier Creek, surrounded by trees and woods; the
outer circle of this ground is raised a little, thus forming natural
benches, which the women occupy. In the neighborhood a great dance-
hall has been erected, built of boards; and in this they continue their
dances, if storms or heavy rains interfere with the outdoor programme.
108 Cf. the dance of this name (more commonly known as "busk") among
the Creeks, their solemn annual festival, one of rejoicing over the first fruits
of the year. See account of this feast in Handbook Amer. Indians. — ED.
292 APPENDIX C [Vol.
They consider their dancing-ground a sacred place. For their great
dances invitations are sent out to their relatives and to neighboring
tribes ; and thus many strangers are present on those occasions, as well
as Pottawatomis from Wisconsin — who go to attend the ceremonies
and also to draw money due them on allotments which they had re-
ceived on the Kansas reservation. Catholics do not usually take part
in these dances, except that some of the young fellows are drawn in
when they hear the drums, and finally join in the dancing. These
dancing feasts also include speeches, singing, and smoking - the latter
being done with one pipe by perhaps a hundred persons ; to this prac-
tice may be traced the spread of some diseases among them. They do
not like to have their pictures taken, and any attempts to photograph
them at these ceremonies have usually ended in the destruction of the
camera. In the center of the dancing-ground is a large red cross, at
the foot of which the eatables are deposited when they have their din-
ner. This cross is a peculiar feature in the Indian camps. I often
inquired for its meaning, but could get no further information than
that this custom was as old as the Indians. I think, however, that it
is an old tradition of the Christian instruction which they received
from the first missionaries among them, which they did not fully
understand and have adopted into their ceremonial. At these feasts
they thank the sun for the crops which he has given them, and the
warm weather which has enabled these to grow, and they praise Kitchi
Manito. On the last day they have a special ceremony over the sacred
dog, which has been killed and cooked. Its skull is placed before the
cross, and the meat is distributed among the dancers; singing their
songs loudly, they dance around the skull, and finally jump over it.
On one occasion, toward the end of the ceremony I saw an Indian step
into the middle of the ring, and confess a crime which he had com-
mitted and for which the tribe had disowned him. He received par-
don from the chief, and as a sign of reconciliation he was given a cup
of milk by the chief, after which they crossed the pipes of peace. Out-
side of their dances the non-Christian Indians show hardly any sign of
religion, except at their funerals. They place their dead in a sitting
posture above the ground, the back of the corpse leaning against a
stone or a tree. Others deposit their dead in hollow trees, which they
cut off at the top, lowering the body into this hollow amidst plaintive
songs and the monotonous beating of drums. I have seen such hollow
trees that were actually filled with skeletons from top to bottom.
Generally the body is only partly covered with logs or stones or earth.
two] THE POTTAWATOMI 293
They then tie a dog near the grave, to keep watch over it. If he is
able to get loose before he starves to death, and goes home, it is con-
sidered a good omen, a sign that the deceased has arrived happily at
the great hunting-grounds, and does not need the dog any more.
Often, in passing by new graves, I made both dog and people happy,
by cutting the rope.
No orphan asylums are needed among these people. If a mother
loses one of her children she tries to soothe her sorrow by adopting an
orphan or waif of about the same age ; and all such children are well
cared for. Such an adoption is a great feast for the tribe, the central
figure being the adopted child; it is well dressed, and, according to
the wealth of the new mother, receives many and fine presents. I al-
ways enjoyed these occasions, on account of the friendly and kind
spirit which I always observed, and with which they treated me.
The Christians in this tribe were converted by the renowned Jesuit,
Father Galligan, about fifty years ago; and although after his death
they were left entirely to themselves, because no priest spoke their
language, they adhered loyally to their adopted faith. Once or twice
a week, throughout the long period of twenty-five years, groups of
them met together, and said their prayers in common, and listened to
the teaching of some of the older and better-instructed men. Their
services consisted in reciting prayers and especially in singing the old
religious songs, which had been translated for them into their language
by Father Galligan and Bishop Baraga ; 109 these gatherings lasted
until a late hour, and were concluded by an elaborate meal. In this
way the faith of the Christians was preserved, and, although many of
them were poorly instructed, none of them fell away from their
adopted faith ; and when I first went to stay with them I found that
they all were practical Catholics, and that they believed in their re-
ligion. The missionary who labors among them has no reason to
complain about neglect of religious duty on the part of the Indians;
and I could always point to them as exemplary church-goers. They
receive the sacraments often, attend religious services regularly, and
respond willingly to every demand of the priest. There is, of course,
a little side-attraction connected with the divine services, as they all,
after these are ended, partake of a sumptuous meal; thus every church
109 Rev. (afterward Bishop) Frederic Baraga, a native of Austria, began
a Catholic mission at La Pointe, on Chequamegon Bay, in 1835. He spent the
rest of his life in missionary labors in northern Michigan and Wisconsin, dying
in 1868. See Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xii, 445, 446, 451. — ED.
294 APPENDIX C
day is for them a kind of feast day. Peace, unity, and a spirit of good-
fellowship prevail among them, and recall to us the love-feasts of the
first Christians.
Among these Pottawatomis are persons, both of pure and of mixed
blood, who are some of my best friends, and their friendship I appre-
ciate as much as that of white people; and they are in every respect
equal to our white men and women. Among them is the reverend
Father Negauquetl, a full-blood Indian ; he pursued his studies in the
Sacred Heart College in Oklahoma and later at the Propaganda in
Rome, where he was ordained a priest in 1905 ; and he is now working
among his own people and the whites in the Indian Territory. He is
the first Catholic priest of his race, and speaks both English and Ital-
ian perfectly, besides the different Indian dialects. Another is a Miss
Blandin (now Mrs. Graham), the daughter of an English father and
a full-blooded Indian mother; she is highly accomplished, an excellent
musician, and a graduate from the University of Hoi ton, Kans. Many
of these Indians are highly esteemed by their white neighbors, and
move in the best society. Along the two Soldier Creeks may be seen
beautiful residences, with large barns, the property of wealthy Indians.
The finest cattle and horses are shipped to market by them, and the
checks that they sign are honored at any bank in Kansas. They dress
in style and good taste, and they and their families appear in citizen
clothes; they speak the English language well, and are in every re-
spect true Americans. There is another but poorer class of Christians
on that reservation who have no land of their own, and, not being able
to acquire any land on the reservation, they rent land from other In-
dians. These are thrifty farmers, save their money, and are the best
of Catholics. I wish that I could speak as highly of those who are
non-Christians ; their progress in civilization is slow, and most of them,
at least the women, do not know the English language at all. They
have struck a compromise in clothing, and appear only partly in cit-
izen's dress; clinging to the blanket as if it were a part of their re-
ligion. Many years will be needed to civilize them fully, and it is to
be feared that not many of them will be left for that ; for every year
diseases, especially consumption, erysipelas, and smallpox, carry many
of them to the grave. The government makes great efforts to be just
to the Indians, but even this fact is, I think, an explanation of their
slow advance. Every Pottawatomi man, woman, and child receives
from the government one hundred and sixty acres of land, and some-
times much more; as this is good hay land, it is rented, through the
O-CHEK-KA (Winnebago)
THE WINNEBAGO 297
agent, for two dollars an acre, to white people, for cutting the hay.
This secures to an Indian family — for instance, the father and mother,
and five children — an income of about two thousand dollars, which is
sufficient for them to live on without doing a stroke of work. If the
Indian does not work, we cannot expect him to become a useful cit-
izen ; he needs both a teacher and a taskmaster, who will teach him at
once the principles of Christianity and the love of labor, and show him
that it is a blessing. Injustice, bloody persecutions, and wars of ex-
termination did much to make the Indian that crafty and bloodthirsty
savage whom we so often meet in story and history ; but such is not his
real nature. And now when truthful and sympathetic historians are
looking up the records of the Indians, and studying their history, char-
acter, customs, and beliefs, we must deeply regret that in the past they
were not given more sympathy and greater opportunities, and that the
unfortunate conditions which tend to cause their extermination still
continue. - Rev. WILLIAM METZDORF, St. Francis, Wis. (from an
unpublished lecture given by him in Milwaukee, Jan. 21, 1907).
The Winnebago
As a rule, these Indians are very sociable among themselves, and
with outsiders whom they have proved to be their friends. Toward
strangers they are very reserved, and this may especially be said of the
women. Very seldom a family lives alone ; usually two or more fam-
ilies live close together. They are peaceable except when under the
influence of liquor. They are hospitable even to excess. As a rule,
diligence and cleanliness are not their strongest points ; but their way
of living (in tents), and their land being unfit for cultivation, will to
some extent account for both. Their morals are not all one could
wish, especially among the younger generation. "Firewater" is the
great enemy of these Indians, and there are always unscrupulous whites
who for the sake of gain will furnish it to them. Some of the In-
dians are bad, but there are also some who are highly deserving of
respect, who might be pointed out as examples for others to follow.
The greatest drawback to the elevation of these people is the poor soil
on which they are located; they can not make their living on it, and
are consequently compelled to scatter in all directions, in order to
seek work by which to make a living; and thus they often come into
contact with a class of whites whose influence is anything but edify-
ing. The "new religion" (the use of the "mescal button") when first
brought to these Indians found quite a number of adherents; but it
298 APPENDIX C
seems to have lost ground gradually, and many of the Indians were
very much opposed to it. - REV. J. STUCKI, Black River Falls, Wis.
The Wisconsin Winnebagoes have very poor sandy lands, and are
not far advanced in farming, especially as they receive but little en-
couragement from the government or its employees. The Winne-
bagoes are naturally bright, intelligent people, more so than the average
of Indian tribes; they are more intelligent than the ordinary white
people, or the corn-eating natives of Nebraska. Those who live in
Wisconsin earn their living by hunting and trapping, berry-picking,
gathering ginseng, husking corn, digging potatoes, cutting wood, etc.
Under the present methods, they waste considerable time waiting for
the payment of the government annuities. I look for great advance-
ment among the several tribes when the trust funds are paid, and the
Indians are made to mingle more with the whites, and go out into the
world to do the best they can; they will then reach the top of the
ladder. Good education is all right for them if only they have some-
thing to do when their school days are over ; but at the present day there
is nothing for them except to go back to the wigwam. A Winnebago
from Nebraska has recently won high honors in oratory at Yale Uni-
versity. In regard to the "mescal eating" among the Winnebagoes,
those in Nebraska sent (in the summer of 1908) a delegation of about
one hundred persons to Wisconsin, to introduce the new religion
among their brothers there. They held three or four meetings, and
made fifteen or twenty converts; but there was so much opposition to
the movement that most persons held back from joining it.
- THOMAS R. RODDY, Black River Falls, Wis.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Documents forming the text of this work
BACQUEVTLLE DE LA POTHERIE, CLAUDE CHARLES DE. Histoire de
1'Amerique Septentrionale (Paris, 1722). 4 vols. Illustrated.
This work was approved by the royal censor at Paris in 1702, but was
not published until 1716 — probably on account of the war between Eng-
land and France (1701-1713), which only ended with the treaty of Utrecht,
and the undesirability of publishing at that time a work regarding Canada,
which was in danger of attack by the English. The edition of 1716 is
mentioned by only Fevret de Fontette; the next one (1722), the edition
best known to bibliographers, was issued at both Paris and Rouen; and a
third edition appeared at Amsterdam in 1723. The work was published in
four small volumes; it is the second of these, devoted to the history of the
Indian tribes who were allies of the French in Canada, which is here pre-
sented (for the first time in English translation). A fourth edition was
issued in Paris in 1753; a careful comparison shows that this is an exact
reproduction of the 1722 edition, save for a few unimportant variations,
chiefly in the color of the ink used on the title-pages. It is a curious fact
that La Potherie's Histoire is not mentioned in the Memoires de Trevoux,
a publication of that period which aimed to record the names of all printed
books relating to America. This information is chiefly obtained from the
interesting paper of J. Edmond Roy on La Potherie and his works, in
Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, series ii, vol.
iii, 27-41 — in which the reader will find fuller bibliographical details, and
a brief synopsis of the Histoire.
It is of interest to note the gradual increase in the prices quoted by
booksellers for this work. An early issue (undated) of Dufosse's Amer-
icana prices the Histoire (no. 13857) at twenty-five francs for edition of
1753; and later (no. 62174), at thirty-five francs, edition of 1722; while
in his "new series" that of 1753, it is quoted at forty francs (nos. 15851 and
17181). In Chadenafs Catalogues may be noted the following: Catalogue
ii (1893), no. 11457, edition 1722, 40 francs; the same in Catalogue 22
(1898), no. 21991, edition "1722 or 1753;" for the same edition, in Cat-
alogue 26 (1900), no. 26414, 50 francs (and in same catalogue the same
price for the Amsterdam edition of 1723) ; in Catalogue 29 (1902), no.
29697, edition of 1722 (Paris, Nyon et Didot; "original edition of this very
rare work"), 80 francs; the same price for the Amsterdam edition, in
Catalogue 33 (1904), no. 34394; while in Catalogue 41 (1908), no. 44096,
and Catalogue 44 (1910), no. 48816, the price is quoted at 125 francs.
302 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
PERROT, NICOLAS. Memoire sur les moeurs coustumes et relligion des
sauvages de 1'Amerique septentrionale. Pub. pour la premiere fois
par le R. P. J. Tailhan (Leipzig and Paris, 1864).
So much information in regard to Perrot's manuscript writings as was
then available was collected by his editor, Father Tailhan, when he pub-
lished the above work in 1864; for this, see his preface at the beginning of
the Memoire. Since then, no farther discoveries seem to have been made,
unless the promised "Inventaire sommaire" of MM. Nicolas and Wirth,
of Mss. in the archives of the Ministere des Colonies at Paris, has succeeded
in unearthing some of the lost memoirs of Nicolas Perrot. It is more
probable, however, that these writings were lost or destroyed (unless some
duplicate copies found their way into the government archives) in their
passage through many hands in the eighteenth century; for they were used
by La Potherie, Charlevoix, and Golden, and possibly other writers — some
of them being apparently preserved to us in La Potherie's second volume.
For prices on the Memoire, the catalogues of the French booksellers
should be consulted, as it is seldom offered by those in the United States.
In Dufosse's Bulletin de Bouquiniste this book appears occasionally: no.
15180, at 12 francs; no. 36982, at 10 francs; and no. 60896, at 7.50 francs.
Chadenat quoted it higher: from 10 to 12 francs in the years since 1890;
and reaches 15 francs in Catalogue 43 (1909), no. 48011; while in two of
his Catalogues — 23 (1899), no. 23659; and 41 (1908), no. 45118 — he
mentions a copy of the Memoire on large paper, printed from a large format
in large quarto size, "a few copies only," quoted at 20 francs. O'Leary in
Catalogue n (1907), quoted at $2.50 an unbound copy.
MARSTON, MAJOR MORRELL, U.S.A. Letter to Reverend Dr. Jedi-
diah Morse, Fort Armstrong, 111., Nov., 1820. Ms.
This report on the Indian tribes in the district under Major Morrell's
command was prepared by him in November, 1620, at the request of Rev.
Dr. Jedidiah Morse, a special agent sent by the government to visit the
Indian tribes of the United States and obtain all available information
about their condition and needs for the use of the Indian Bureau in its
dealings with them. Dr. Morse's report was published in 1822 (see title
below), and is a most valuable document for the study of Indian history at
that period; but it was long ago out of print, and is practically unknown
to the general public. For the present work, the text of Marston's report
is obtained not from the printed book, but from a copy of Marston's orig-
inal Ms. which is preserved in the Draper Collection of the Wisconsin
Historical Society; it is document no. 58 in vol. I of the Forsyth Papers
(pressmark, "i T 58"). The document is written, apparently by some
copyist, on fifteen leaves of paper about foolscap size; the last paragraph
and the subscription and signature are in Marston's autograph writing.
The list of Indian tribes to which he alludes gives the names of each tribe
in English, French, and ten Indian dialects; this paper has been by some
oversight bound in the second volume of the Forsyth Papers.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 303
FORSYTH, THOMAS. Manners and customs of the Sauk and Fox
tribes of Indians. Ms., dated January 15, 1827.
This document is a memoir on the above-named tribes, written by the
noted Indian agent, Thomas Forsyth, and sent by him to Gen. William
Clark, then superintendent of Indian affairs; so far as is now known, it has
never before been published. This manuscript, written throughout by For-
syth's own hand, is contained in volume ix of the Forsyth Papers (see pre-
ceding title) ; it fills thirty-four long pages, written in a small but very
legible hand. It is followed by various other writings by Forsyth: mis-
cellaneous memoranda, containing scraps of information (largely etymologi-
cal) about tribal and place names in the northwest, bits of tribal history,
etc.; a copy of a letter (dated St. Louis, Dec. 23, 1812) sent by Forsyth to
Clark, which contains an interesting description of the region extending
from Vincennes to Mackinaw and Green Bay, and from the Wisconsin and
Mississippi Rivers to Lakes Erie and Huron ; several anecdotes copied from
printed books of the day; an interesting account of the Black Hawk War
by Forsyth (whose official position, and contemporaneous residence in the
region affected, render him a prime authority on that subject), entitled
"Original causes of the trouble with a party of Sauk and Fox Indians under
the direction or command of the Black Hawk, who was no chief;" and a
note by him describing the religious character and practices of some Kicka-
poo Indians whom he encountered in Missouri, who were adherents of the
noted "Kickapoo Prophet." The above letter of 1812 not only describes
the topographical features of the region named, but enumerates and char-
acterizes the various tribes inhabiting it, and gives an interesting sketch of
the character and methods of the "Shawnee Prophet" and outline of the
so-called "religion" inculcated by him among the Indians of the northwest
General list of printed books and manuscript
sources
ABEL, ANNIE HELOISE. The history of events resulting in Indian
consolidation west of the Mississippi River (Washington, 1908).
In Annual Report of Amer. Hist. Association, 1906, vol. i, 233-454.
Covers the period 1803-1840; at the end is a good bibliography of the
subject, aiming to evaluate the various writings cited.
ADAMS, CHARLES F., editor. Memoirs of J. Q. Adams (Phila-
delphia, 1874-1877). 12 vols.
"Strictly speaking, this is an edition of J. Q. Adams's Diary, and is
very valuable for tracing the United States Indian policy from 1825 to
1829." — ABEL.
ADAMS, HENRY. History of the United States of America, 1801-
1817 (New York, 1889-1891). 9 vols.
304 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
ALLEN, JOEL A. History of the American bison (Washington, 1875).
In Annual Report of U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the
Territories, 1875, pp. 443-587-
AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN AND ORIENTAL JOURNAL, 1878-1910. 32
vols. Illustrated.
Established (1878) at Ashtabula, O., by Stephen D. Feet, who remained
its editor until the close of 1910; now edited by J. O. Kinnaman. It has
been published successively at Beloit, Wis., Chicago, Salem, Mass., and
now (1911) at Benton Harbor, Mich. Contains many papers of arch-
aeological and ethnological value, by competent authorities; those concern-
ing the old northwest are found chiefly in the earlier volumes. Among
them may be noted: Volume I, "Location of Indian tribes in the North-
west Territory at the date of its organization" (pp. 85-98). In recent
volumes: xxvi, S. D. Peet, "Races and religions in America" (pp. 34.5-360;
illustrated) ; Warren Upham, "Mounds built by the Sioux in Minnesota"
(pp. 217-222) ; xxvii, C. Staniland Wake, "Asiatic ideas among the North
American Indians" (pp. 153-161, 189-196) ; xxvm, S. D. Peet, "The copper
age in America" (pp. 149-164), and "Pottery in its distribution and va-
riety" (pp. 277-292) ; xxxi, J. O. Kinnaman, "Chippewa Legends" (pp.
96-101, 137-143)-
AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. Transactions and collections
(Worcester, 1820; Cambridge, 1836). Vols. i, ii.
Largely devoted to Indian antiquities.
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGIST. Vols. i-n (Columbus, O., 1897-1898).
Illustrated.
AMERICAN BAPTIST HOME MISSIONARY SOCIETY. The Baptist home
mission monthly (New York, 1879-1910 +). Vols. 1-32. Illus-
trated.
AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS. The
missionary herald (Boston, 1803-1910+). Vols. 1-106. Illus-
trated (after 1865).
Begun under title of Massachusetts Missionary Magazine] united (June,
1809) with The Panoplist, begun three years before; after 1820 styled
The Missionary Herald.
AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. The journal of American folk-
lore (Boston and New York, 1888-1910+). Vols. i-xxii.
Devoted mainly to folk-lore, but contains much other ethnological in-
formation; includes many articles and notes on our Indian tribes; its
editors and contributors include the leading authorities in its field. Not-
able papers in recent volumes: Volume xv — "Memorials of the Indian,"
A. F. Chamberlain; "Sac and Fox tales," Mrs. Mary Lasley (a daughter
of the noted chief Black Hawk) ; "Algonkian words in American Eng-
lish," A. F. Chamberlain. Volume XVIH — "Mythology of the Indian stocks
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 305
north of Mexico," A. F. Chamberlain; "The Algonkian Manitou," Wil-
liam Jones; "Who was the medicine-man?" Francis LaFlesche; "The
Seneca White Dog Feast;" "Sioux Games," J. R. Walker (completed in the
following volume). Volume XIX — "Ojibwa myths and traditions," Harlan
I. Smith. Volume xx-."Some Dakota myths," Clark Wissler. Volume
xxi — "The test-theme in N. American mythology," Robert H. Lowie.
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. Papers (New York, 1886-
1891). 5 vols.
Annual reports, 1889-1907 (Washington, 1890-1908).
AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION. American missionary (New
York, 1857-1910+). Vols. 1-64. Illustrated (after 1899).
AMERICAN STATE PAPERS. Indian affairs, 1789-1827 (Washington,
1832-1834). 2 vols.
Selected documents from the archives of the Indian Office, published
under authority of Congress; highly valuable for the study of political
relations between the Indians and United States, especially as some of
the original documents from which these volumes are compiled are ap-
parently no longer in existence.
ANNALES DE LA PROPAGATION DE LA Foi pour les provinces de Que-
bec et de Montreal (Montreal, 1877-1893). Nos. 1-50.
Published by the Canadian branch (established 1836) of the Association
de la Propagation de la Foi — a missionary society of world-wide member-
ship in the Roman Catholic Church, which has published its Annals since
1827 (in various languages), as a successor to the well-known Lettres
edifiantes. The Canadian Annales was a successor to Rapport sur les
missions du diocese de Quebec, published at intervals from 1839 to *874;
both devoted chiefly to missions among the Indians.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON. American Anthro-
pologist (Washington, 1888-1898). n vols. Illustrated.
Id., new series (New York, 1899-1911+). Vols. i-xiii.
This valuable periodical is also the organ of the Amer. Ethnological
Society, and its contributors include the leading scientists and thinkers in
this branch of knowledge. Among notable papers in the new series are
the following: Volume i, "Aboriginal American zootechny," Otis T.
Mason (pp. 45-81) ; in, "Rare books relating to the American Indians,"
Ainsworth R. Spofford (pp. 270-285) ; "Significance of certain Algonquian
animal names," Alexander F. Chamberlain (pp. 669-683) ; "Aboriginal
copper mines of the Isle Royale, Lake Superior," W. H. Holmes (pp. 684-
696) ; vi, "Some principles of Algonquian word-formation;" William
Jones (pp. 369-412) ; Vli, "Popular fallacies respecting the Indian," Henry
W. Henshaw (pp. 104-182) ; vm, "Recent progress in American anthro-
pology, 1902-1906" (pp. 441-558) ; x, "The tomahawk," papers by W. H.
Holmes and W. R. Gerard (pp. 264-280) ; "Wooden bowls of the Algon-
quian Indians," C. C. Willoughby (pp. 423-504; illustrated); xi, "Tat-
3o6 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
tooing of the North American Indians," A. T. Sinclair (pp. 362-400) ;
"The various uses of buffalo hair by the Indians," D. I. Bushnell (pp.
401-425); XH, "Clan organization of the Winnebago," Paul Radin (pp.
209-219).
ARMSTRONG, BENJAMIN G. Early life among the Indians (Ashland,
Wis., 1892).
Reminiscences, dictated by Armstrong to Thos. P. Wentworth; relate
chiefly to the Indians of northern Wisconsin, the treaties of 1835-1854, etc.
ARMSTRONG, PERRY A. The Sauks and the Black Hawk War
(Springfield, 111., 1887). Illustrated.
Compiled from the best printed sources, and from interviews with old
pioneers, etc. Contains much information regarding the Sauk tribe, and
biographical sketches of noted Indian chiefs.
The piasa, or, the devil among the Indians (Morris, 111., 1887).
AUPAUMUT, HENDRICK. Narrative of an embassy to the western
Indians (Philadelphia, 1826).
"From the original manuscript, with prefatory remarks by Dr. B. H.
Coates;" in Memoirs of the Penn. Historical Society, vol. ii, 61-131. The
author was a chief of the N.Y. Stockbridge tribe, and was sent in 1792
by the U.S. secretary of war on the mission above mentioned. He in-
fluenced the western tribes against Tecumseh, and aided Gen. Harrison in
the campaign wherein Tecumseh was defeated. In 1821 the Stockbridges
removed to Wisconsin, and Aupaumut died there, some time after 1825.
(Wis. Hist. Collections, vol. xv, 40, 41.)
AVERY, ELROY McK. A history of the United States and its people,
from their earliest records to the present time (Cleveland, 1904-
1910+). 15 vols. Illustrated.
Its special feature is in the valuable and elegant illustrations which
abound in every volume — maps and plans, portraits, views of historical
scenes and buildings, reproductions of celebrated paintings, etc. Volumes
I and IV are of interest in connection with the present work.
AVER, EDWARD E. Collection of historical documents.
One of the finest collections of Americana (both printed and Ms.) in the
United States ; it has long been in charge of the Newberry Library, Chicago.
It includes most of the printed works of value relating to the Indians, and
many manuscripts; among the latter are a considerable number relating
to the Indians of the old northwest, especially as connected with the fur trade.
BARBER, EDWIN A. Indian music.
Catlinite : its antiquity as a material for tobacco pipes.
These articles appeared in the Amer. Naturalist, vol. xvii, 267-274 and
745-764 respectively.
BARROWS, WILLIAM. The Indian's side of the Indian question (Bos-
ton, 1887).
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 307
BEACH, W. W. The Indian miscellany: containing papers on the
history, antiquities, arts, languages, religions, traditions, and super-
stitions of the American aborigines (Albany, 1877).
Contains many valuable articles regarding the Indians; reprinted "from
magazines and other ephemera," in order to preserve the information they
contain.
BEAUCHAMP, REV. W. M. The Iroquois trail, or foot-prints of the
Six Nations, in customs, traditions, and history ( Fayetteville, N.Y.,
1892).
Includes the "Sketches of Ancient History of the Six Nations" (Lewiston,
N.Y., 1826) by David Cusick, a Tuscarora Indian; and notes and com-
ments thereon by Beauchamp, long a missionary among the Iroquois, and
an acknowledged authority on Iroquois lore, history, and antiquities.
[Various papers relating to the N.Y. Iroquois tribes - their his-
tory, arts and industries, etc.]
These are published as Bulletins of the N.Y. State Museum (1897-
1907), nos. 16, 18, 32, 41, 50, 73, 78, 89, 108; they are valuable contribu-
tions to our knowledge of those tribes.
BECKWITH, HIRAM W. The Illinois and Indiana Indians (Chicago,
1884).
This is no. 27 of the Fergus Hist. Series', the author was a prominent
antiquarian of Illinois.
BIGGS, W. Narrative, while he was a prisoner with the Kickapoo
Indians (s.L, 1826).
BLACKBIRD, ANDREW J. History of the Ottawa and Chippewa In-
dians of Michigan; a grammar, and personal and family history
of the author (Ypsilanti, Mich., 1887).
Written by an Indian chief well known in Southern Michigan.
BLACK HAWK. Life of Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak (Boston, 1834).
This purports to be the story of his life, as dictated by him to Antoine
Leclaire (a half-breed government interpreter), and edited by J. B. Patter-
son; not considered, by well-informed students, as altogether trustworthy.
BLANCHARD, RUFUS. Discovery and conquests of the Northwest,
with the history of Chicago (Wheaton, 111., 1879).
Written by a pioneer antiquarian, who did much to preserve records
of early Chicago and Northwestern history; in that work the maps pub-
lished by him made a prominent feature.
BLOOMFIELD, JULIA K. The Oneidas (New York, 1907). Illus-
trated.
Treats mainly of the missionary enterprises conducted among the Oneidas,
especially those of the Protestant Episcopal Church on the Oneida reserva-
tion in Wisconsin.
308 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
BOYD, GEORGE. Papers, 1797-1846. Ms. 8 vols.
These papers are in the possession of the Wisconsin State Historical
Society. Col. Boyd was U.S. Indian agent at Mackinac during 1818-1832,
and at Green Bay 1832-1840.
BRINTON, DANIEL G. American hero-myths: a study in the native
religions of the western continent (Philadelphia, 1882).
The American race: a linguistic classification and ethnographic
description of the native tribes of North and South America (New
York, 1891).
Essays of an Americanist (Philadelphia, 1890).
Classed under these heads: "ethnologic and archaeologic; mythology and
folk-lore; graphic systems, and literature; and linguistic."
Myths of the New World: a treatise on the symbolism and
mythology of the red race of America (New York, 1868).
A third edition, revised, was issued at Philadelphia in 1896. The
works of this able and scholarly investigator that are here mentioned are
those of more general interest; besides these, he edited or wrote numerous
others, of great value on certain special topics.
BROWER, J. V. Memoirs of explorations in the basin of the Missis-
sippi (St. Paul, 1898-1903). 7 vols.
Written by a learned Minnesota antiquarian, long a prominent officer
in the Minn. State Historical Society.
BRUNSON, REV. ALFRED. Journals and letter-books. Ms.
Brunson was a pioneer Methodist preacher in Wisconsin, and an Indian
agent. These papers are in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical
Society.
BUCK, DANIEL. Indian outbreaks (Mankato, Minn., 1904). Illus-
trated.
Written by a former judge of the Minnesota supreme court, a resident
of that state since 1857. He claims "to treat all questions with judicial
fairness," and says that "the Indian side of the trouble has been given a
hearing" in his book.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. Annual reports to the secre-
tary of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, 1879-1908).
26 vols. Illustrated.
These publications contain monographs, written by the trained experts
on the staff of the Bureau, on the history, character, mode of life, customs,
mythology and religion, etc., of the North American Indians ; and on various
general and special aspects of the science of ethnology. They constitute a
mass of data and scientific theory quite indispensable for the thorough
study of these subjects, and of the utmost value to all students therein.
Among the papers of especial interest for the field covered by this work are
the following: "On the evolution of language . . . from the study of In-
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 309
dian languages," and "Wyandot government: a short study of tribal so-
ciety," J. W. Powell (First Report} ; "Sign language among the N.
American Indians," Garrick Mallery (ibid) ; "Animal carvings from
mounds of the Mississippi valley," H. W. Henshaw, and "Art in shell of
the ancient Americans," W. H. Holmes (Second Report) ; "On masks, lab-
rets, and certain aboriginal customs," W. H. Dall, and "Omaha sociology,"
J. Owen Dorsey (Third Report) ; "Ancient pottery of the Mississippi
valley," and "Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic
art," W. H. Holmes (Fourth Report) ; "Burial mounds of the northern sec-
tion of the United States," Cyrus Thomas (Fifth Report) ; "A study of the
textile art in its relation to the development of form and ornament," W. H.
Holmes (Sixth Report) ; "Indian linguistic families of America north of
Mexico," J. W. Powell, and "The Mide'wiwin or 'grand medicine society'
of the Ojibwa," W. J. Hoffman (Seventh Report) ; "Picture writing of the
American Indians," Garrick Mallery (Tenth Report) ; "A study of Siouan
cults," J. Owen Dorsey (Eleventh Report) ; "The Menomini Indians," W. J.
Hoffman, and "The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890,"
James Mooney (Fourteenth Report) ; "The Siouan Indians," W. J. McGee,
and "Siouan sociology," J. Owen Dorsey (Fifteenth Report) ; "Indian land
cessions in the United States," C. C. Royce (Eighteenth Report) ; "The
wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes," A. E. Jenks (Nineteenth Report) ;
"Iroquois cosmogony," J. N. B. Hewitt ( Twenty-first Report) ; "American
Indian games," Stewart Culin (Twenty-fourth Report).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. Bulletins (Washington, 1887-
1910). 45 vols. Illustrated.
Of the same character as the papers in the Reports, save that they more
often are bibliographical and linguistic in scope, or devoted to subjects of
more limited interest Among these are bibliographies of the Siouan,
Iroquoian, and Algonquian languages, by J. C. Pilling (nos. 5, 6, and 13,
respectively) ; "The problem of the Ohio mounds," and "Catalogue of pre-
historic works east of the Rocky Mountains," Cyrus Thomas (nos. 8 and
12) ; "Handbook of the Indians north of Mexico," edited by Frederick
W. Hodge (no. 30) ; "Tuberculosis among certain tribes of the United
States" [among which are the Oglala Sioux and the Menomini], Ales
Hrdlicka (no. 42).
BUREAU OF CATHOLIC INDIAN MISSIONS. Reports of Director
(Washington, 1900-1910+).
Annals of the Catholic Indian missions of America (Washing-
ton, 1878, 1880, 1881).
BURTON, C. M. Collections of documents relating to the early
history of Michigan. Ms.
Mr. Burton, a resident of Detroit, has been collecting these docu-
ments during some forty years, "covering more than two centuries in the
history of Michigan and the region of the Great Lakes." They include
many originals, as well as many transcripts from French and Canadian
archives; and consist of letters, diaries, military order-books, Indian and
3io BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
French deeds and contracts, records of old Catholic churches, fur-trade
accounts, etc. Of special interest regarding Indian affairs are the papers
of LaMothe Cadillac, the founder of Detroit (published in the Collections
of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, vols. xxxiii and xxxiv) ;
the Montreal papers, 1682-1804, copied from notarial records in Montreal;
the papers of John Askin, a prominent fur-trader before 1813; and those
of John R. Williams and William Woodbridge (for a time, superintendent
of Indian affairs).
BURTON, FREDERICK R. American primitive music, with especial at-
tention to the songs of the Ojibways (New York, 1909). Illus-
trated.
A careful study of Indian music, in both its technique and its meaning
and use. Burton collected among the Ojibwas a large number of songs,
which are here presented with their original words and music, and the
story and meaning of each. At the end, twenty-eight of these are harmon-
ized for pianoforte accompaniment, and have an English translation.
CALKINS, FRANKLIN W. The wooing of Tokala (New York and
Chicago, 1907).
Although in the form of a story, this book was intended rather as a
study of Indian character; it depicts life among a group of Dakota Indians,
and "primitive conditions as they existed among the Sioux previous to and
during the American Civil War." Adopted into one of their tribes, with
whom he lived a considerable time, the author has obtained his material
from personal experience and observation.
Indian tales (Chicago [1893]). Illustrated.
Accounts of various experiences of the author and other white persons
among Indians in Iowa and Nebraska, 1860-1880.
CAMPBELL, HENRY C., and others. Wisconsin in three centuries,
1634-1905 (New York [1906]). 4 vols. Illustrated.
CANFIELD, W. W. The legends of the Iroquois told by "The Corn-
planter" (New York, 1902).
A highly interesting collection of legends related, toward the end of the
eighteenth century, by the noted Seneca chief Cornplanter to a white
friend — whose notes of these conversations are here reproduced, with much
information obtained from other prominent Iroquois chiefs, by Mr. Can-
field.
CARR, LUCIEN. The food of certain American Indians, and their
methods of preparing it (Worcester, 1895).
In Proceedings of Amer. Antiquarian Society, vol. x, part i.
Dress and ornaments of certain American Indians (Worcester,
1898).
Id., vol. xi, 381-454.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 311
CARR, LUCIEN. The Mascoutins.
Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, vol. xiv, 448-462.
Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, historically considered
(Frankfort, 1883).
In Memoirs of Geol. Survey of Kentucky, vol. ii.
CARVER, JONATHAN. Travels through the interior parts of North
America, 1766-1768 (London, 1778). Illustrated.
An account of travels in the region of the Great Lakes and upper
Mississippi River; it obtained great favor with the public, appearing,
during some eighty years, in thirty editions and reissues, and in several
foreign languages. Some parts of this narrative are plagiarized from
Hennepin, Charlevoix, and other early writers, a fact which has caused
Carver's veracity, and the genuineness of his account, to be discredited by
some critics — even to the extent of supposing him to be illiterate, and in-
capable of writing such a book. The controversy is summarized by John T.
Lee in his "Bibliography of Carver's Travels" (Proceedings of Wis. Hist.
Soc., 1909, pp. 143-183) ; he adduces evidence to show that Carver must
have been the author of the Travels, and a man of respectable character and
education.
CASEY, M. P. Indian contract schools.
In Catholic World, Aug., 1900.
CASS, LEWIS. Considerations on the present state of the Indians, and
their removal to the west of the Mississippi.
Remarks on the policy and practice of the United States and
Great Britain in their treatment of the Indians.
These articles appeared in the North Amer. Review, January, 1830,
and April, 1827, respectively.
CATLIN, GEORGE. Illustrations of the manners, customs, and con-
dition of the North American Indians, with letters and notes writ-
ten during eight years of travel and adventure, tenth edition ( Lon-
don, 1866). 2 vols. Illustrated.
A work of prime importance, especially as it shows the Indian tribes of
the west and south at a time (1832-1838) when they still retained much of
their primitive mode of life. Catlin relates his adventures while traveling
among them, and adds a wealth of information on their customs, character,
beliefs, etc. — which are illustrated by three hundred and sixty drawings from
his original paintings.
Adventures of the Ojibbeway and loway Indians in England,
France, and Belgium, third edition (London, 1852). 2 vols. in I.
Illustrated.
Catlin's "notes of eight years' travels and residence in Europe with his
3i2 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
North American Indian collection" — which contained nearly six hundred
paintings, made by Catlin during eight years' residence among the Indian
tribes; and included, besides many portraits, pictures of scenery, Indian vil-
lages, customs, games, religious ceremonies, etc., all from life; a catalogue
of these appears at end of his vol. I. Catlin also exhibited in Europe many
Indian curios — robes, weapons, ornaments, pipes, cradles, etc. During 1845-
1846, he acted as interpreter and guide for some Indians (thirty-five in all)
who had been carried to Europe for the purpose of public exhibition; and
here he describes their novel experiences and the traits of character they
displayed, this last being the chief value of his book.
CATON, J. D. The last of the Illinois, and a sketch of the Potto-
watomies (Chicago, 1876).
No. 3 of Fergus Historical Series.
CHAMBERLAIN, ALEXANDER F. The contributions of the American
Indian to civilization (Worcester, 1904).
In Proceedings of Amer. Antiquarian Society, vol. xvi, 91-126.
CHARLEVOIX, PIERRE F. X. DE. Histoire et description generale de
la Nouvelle France, avec le Journal Historique d'un voyage fait
par ordre du roi dans 1'Amerique Septentrionnale (Paris, 1744).
3 vols.
A standard authority on early Canadian history, description of New
France, and account of the Indian tribes therein. A translation of this val-
uable work was made by John G. Shea, with many excellent and scholarly
annotations; published in six volumes (New York, 1866-1872). A reprint
of Shea's edition appeared in New York, 1900, edited by Noah F. Morrison.
CHASE, LEVI B. Early Indian trails (Worcester, 1897).
In Collections of Worcester Society of Antiquities, vol. xiv, 105-125.
CHICAGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Collection of documents relating to
the early history of Illinois. Ms.
A very large and valuable collection of documents (most of them orig-
inals) relating to the history of the northwest territory, and chiefly of
Illinois. Notable among these are the papers of Gen. Henry Dearborn,
Gov. Ninian Edwards, John Kinzie, and Pierre Menard (the last two,
noted Indian traders) ; and the transcripts from early records of Kaskaskia
and Fort Chartres churches. Some of the Edwards papers were published
in vol. iii (1884) of the Collections of this society.
CHIPPEWA ALLOTMENTS of lands, and timber contracts (Washing-
ton, 1889).
Senate Docs., Report no. 2710, soth congress, second session. Report of
"Select Committee on Indian Traders," containing evidence, documents, etc.,
proving gross mismanagement, abuses, and spoliation in the affairs of the
Chippewa reservations in Wisconsin and Minnesota.
CHOUTEAU, AUGUSTE. Papers and correspondence, 1787-1819. Ms.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 313
Chouteau was probably the most enterprising and influential of the
pioneer fur-traders in the Missouri River Valley, and closely connected with
the founding of St Louis, of which event he left a manuscript account.
The documents here mentioned are in the possession of the Mercantile
Library, St. Louis.
CHRISTIAN JOURNAL, 1817-1830. 14 vols.
Edited by Bishop J. H. Hobart, and contains numerous papers relating
to the Oneida Indians of Wisconsin.
CLARK, GEORGE ROGERS. Letters, journals, etc., 1760-1859. Ms.
65 vols.
This highly valuable collection of manuscripts is in the possession of
the Wisconsin State Historical Society; it includes many early original
documents, various subsidiary collections of papers, and a great deal of
correspondence between L. C. Draper and the descendants of the Western
pioneers. Much of this matter relates to Clark's conquest of Illinois (1778),
and his campaigns, soon afterward, to St. Louis and in the Wabash country.
A selection from these papers is announced for this year (1911), in three
volumes, edited by Prof. J. A. James of Northwestern University.
CLARK, W. P. The Indian sign language (Philadelphia, 1885).
The author, an army officer, spent over six years among the Indian tribes,
and acquired at first-hand the sign language and the explanations of it
made by the Indians themselves. To these he adds much valuable infor-
mation regarding their customs, beliefs, superstitions, modes of life, etc.;
and he writes in a spirit of appreciation for the abilities and good traits of
those Indians who have not been demoralized by contact with the whites.
He makes interesting comparisons between the Indian sign language and
that taught in schools for deaf-mutes. The book contains a map showing
the Indian reservations, etc.
CLARK, WILLIAM. Papers. Ms. 29 vols.
This collection of documents contains the records of Clark and his suc-
cessors in the office of superintendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis. It is in
the possession of the Kansas Historical Society.
CLARKE, PETER DOOYENTATE. Origin and traditional history of the
Wyandotts, etc., (Toronto, 1870).
In this little volume are collected the traditions of Wyandott (Huron)
tribal history and legend, obtained from the few surviving ancients of that
people by the author (himself a Wyandott) ; and much of this material is
apparently not to be found elsewhere.
COLDEN, CADWALLADER. The history of the five Indian nations de-
pending on the province of New York (New York, 1727).
The above title refers only to Part I of Colden's work. It was reprinted,
but in a garbled form, in London, 1747 and 1750 — containing, however,
Part n, of which a Ms. copy is preserved in the collections of the N.Y.
State Historical Society. The book was reprinted (1866) by J. G. Shea.
3i4 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
COLESON, A. Narrative of her captivity among the Sioux Indians
(Philadelphia, 1864).
COLTON, C. Tour of the American lakes, and among the Indians of
the Northwest Territory, in 1830 (London, 1833). 2 vols.
[CONDITION of Indian tribes in Montana and Dakota (Washington,
Senate Report, no. 283, 48th congress, first session. Report of a "Select
Committee to examine into the condition of the Sioux and Crow Indians."
Shows the destitution then prevailing among those tribes, and calls for
government aid to them; also scores the management of the agency stores.
CONDITION OF THE INDIAN TRIBES : report of the Joint Special Com-
mittee appointed under joint resolution of March 3, 1865 (Wash-
ington, 1867).
This report and its documentary appendix constitute a full survey of
the status of the Indian tribes at that time. The committee (J. R. Doolittle,
chairman) stated that the Indian population was rapidly decreasing, mainly
through disease, vicious habits, and the loss of their old-time hunting
grounds — all these causes being in large measure traceable to the encroach-
ments, bad influence, and whiskey of the whites. The committee recom-
mended that the Indian Bureau be retained in the Department of the
Interior; and that more efficient government control and inspection be pro-
vided for Indian affairs.
CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DES AMERICANISTES. Comptes rendus,
sessions 1-16. 1875-1910. Illustrated.
The sessions of this learned body have been held biennially at various
places since 1875 (at Nancy), the last one whose proceedings are yet pub-
lished being at Vienna (1908). These volumes contain many articles re-
lating to the Indian tribes of the central United States. Among these may
be noted: Various articles on the mound-builders (second session, Luxem-
burg) ; Algic cosmogony (third session, Brussels) ; "sacred hunts" of the
Indians (eighth session, Paris) ; "Contributions of American archaeology to
human history" (fourteenth session, Stuttgart) ; two papers on the Indians
of the Mississippi, and one on customs and rites of the Iowa Foxes (fif-
teenth session, Quebec) ; "Types of dwellings and their distribution in
Central North America" (sixteenth session, Vienna). The seventeenth
session was held at Mexico City, September, 1910.
COPWAY, GEORGE. The traditional history and characteristic sketches
of the Ojibway nation (London, 1850; Boston, 1851). Illus-
trated.
The author (an Ojibwa chief, his Indian name Kah-ge-ga-gah-bowh)
states that he has resided "six years among the pale-faces," and has attended
school, twenty months in all, in Illinois. He recounts the traditions and
legends of his people, describes their customs, beliefs, character, etc. ; and
shows their condition under British and American domination.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 315
COPWAY, GEORGE. The organization of an Indian territory east of
the Missouri River (New York, 1850).
Copway urged Congress to erect a new Indian Territory, which should
improve upon the old one by being set aside for northern bands only, and
by providing at the outset for Indian self-government.
CORRESPONDENCE on the subject of the emigration of Indians, 1831-
1833 (Washington, 1834). 5 vols.
This is found in Senate Documents, vols. vii-xi, 23rd congress, first ses-
sion (1833-1834).
COUES, ELLIOTT. The fur-bearing animals of North America (Bos-
ton, 1877).
CULIN, STEWART. American Indian games (Washington, 1905).
Illustrated.
In Report of Bureau Amer. Ethnology, 1902-1903.
CURTIS, EDWARD S. The North American Indian (New York, 1907-
— ). 20 vols., each accompanied by a portfolio of supplementary
plates.
This magnificent work (first begun in 1898) well carries out the author's
aim, to present a true picture of Indian life in its natural surroundings and
primitive, homely phases — especially in view of the rapid and often de-
structive changes therein which are taking place throughout the continent.
The illustrations (most of which are 20x24 inches in size) are from photo-
graphs made by Curtis during his residence among the various tribes, and
they are unusually accurate and artistic. They are accompanied by descrip-
tive text and account of the author's experiences among the Indians, with
which is combined much historical and ethnological information. He also
records many Indian myths, related to him by the elders of the tribes, and
much about their rites and ceremonies. The work is an interesting revela-
tion of Indian life and character.
CURTIS, NATALIE, editor. The Indians' book; an offering by the
American Indians of Indian lore, musical and narrative, to form a
record of the songs and legends of their race ( New York and Lon-
don, 1907). Illustrated, chiefly from drawings made by Indians.
Contains Indian songs, with original native music and words, English
translation, and explanatory notes; some twenty tribes are thus represented,
of whom the Winnebago and Dakota (and indirectly the Abenaki) belong
to the subject of the present work. A valuable contribution to the literature
of the Indians' higher life.
[CUTLER, JERVIS.] A topographical description of the state of Ohio,
Indiana Territory, and Louisiana (Boston, 1812).
"Comprehending the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, and their principal
tributary streams; the face of the country . . . and a concise account
of the Indian tribes west of the Mississippi." By a U.S. army officer.
3i6 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
DAVIDSON, ALEXANDER, and Bernard Stuve. A complete history of
Illinois, 1673-1873 (Springfield, 111., 1874).
DAVIDSON, J. N. In unnamed Wisconsin: studies in the history of
the region between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi (Mil-
waukee, 1895).
DAVIS, ANDREW M. Indian games.
In Bulletin of Essex Institute, vol. xvii, 89-144.
DELLENBAUGH, FREDERICK S. The North-Americans of yesterday:
a comparative study of North-American Indian life, customs, and
products, on the theory of the ethnic unity of the race ( New York,
1901). Illustrated.
A valuable and scholarly work, presenting the results of recent research
in the languages, industries, mode of life, customs, beliefs, government,
history, etc., of the North American tribes ; contains a list of these, with the
respective stocks to which they belong. Both text and the numerous fine
illustrations are based largely on material in the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
DENSMORE, FRANCES. Chippewa music (Washington, 1910). Il-
lustrated.
A collection of songs, both ritual and social, in all numbering two
hundred; the Indian words and English translation, with music, and full
description of rites, customs, etc. This is Bulletin 45 of the Bureau of Amer.
Ethnology.
DILLON, JOHN B. Decline of the Miami nation.
In Publications of Indiana Historical Society, vol. i, 121-143.
DODGE, CHARLES R. A descriptive catalogue of useful fiber plants
of the world, including the structural and economic classifications
of fibers (Washington, 1897).
Published by U.S. Department of Agriculture.
DODGE, RICHARD IRVING. Our wild Indians : thirty-three years' per-
sonal experience among the red men of the Great West (Hartford,
Conn., 1883). Illustrated.
An interesting record of Indian customs and character, by an army
officer; highly commended by his superior, Gen. W. T. Sherman, who
nevertheless dissents from Dodge's estimate of Indian character. The author
advocates military rather than civilian control for the tribes.
DOMINION OF CANADA. Report concerning Canadian archives (Ot-
tawa, 1872-1910+).
These reports contain many calendars of documents contained in the
Dominion archives, and are indispensable to the student of Canadian history.
Many of those documents relate to Indian affairs.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 317
DONALDSON, THOMAS. The George Catlin Indian gallery in the
United States National Museum; with memoir and statistics
(Washington, 1885). Illustrated.
In Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1885, part ii. A catalogue of the
paintings and curios in the great Catlin collection^ which was transferred
to the Smithsonian Institution, 1879-1881. The pictures are arranged under
the tribal names, each accompanied by extracts (narrative or descriptive)
from Catlin's own books, an outline drawing from the same source, and
much additional information furnished by Donaldson as editor.
The Six Nations of New York (Washington, 1892). Illus-
trated.
An Extra Bulletin, Eleventh Census of the U.S. A valuable account of
the Iroquois people in modern times, presenting not only statistics of popu-
lation and property, but observations on their character, government, social
conditions, mode of life, etc. Well illustrated with maps, portraits, etc.
DORMAN, RUSHTON M. The origin of primitive superstitions, and
their development into the worship of spirits, and the doctrine of
spiritual agency, among the aborigines of America (Philadelphia,
1881).
DORSEY, J. OWEN. Migrations of Siouan tribes.
In Amer. Naturalist, vol. xx, 211-222.
[Papers on "Omaha sociology," "Siouan sociology," "A study
of Siouan cults."]
In Reports of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology: 1881-1882, pp. 311-370;
1893-1894, pp. 205-244; 1889-1890, pp. xliii-xlvii, 351-544, respectively.
DRAKE, BENJAMIN. Life of Tecumseh, and of his brother the Pro-
phet, with a historical sketch of the Shawanoe Indians (Cincin-
nati, 1841).
A plain narrative, based on letters written by Gen. Harrison to the War
Department in 1809-1813, interviews with old pioneers, etc. Another edi-
tion was issued in 1852.
DRAKE, FRANCIS S. The Indian tribes of the United States (Phila-
delphia, 1884). 2 vols. Illustrated.
DRAKE, SAMUEL G. Biography and history of the Indians of North
America (Boston, 1832). Illustrated.
A popular work, but compiled from the best authorities of Drake's time.
Other titles, used in some editions, were: "The book of the Indians," and
"Aboriginal races of North America." Later editions contain many ad-
ditions and corrections. A revision of the fifteenth (Phila., 1860) was
issued in 1880 (New York).
3i8 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
DUNN, JACOB P. Indiana, a redemption from slavery (Boston,
1904).
In Amer. Commonwealths series. This is a new and enlarged edition
of his book first published in 1888. The author is secretary of the Indiana
Historical Society, and a trained and careful investigator.
True Indian stories, with glossary of Indiana Indian names
(Indianapolis, 1908).
Narratives of military and other events in early Indiana history, re-
lating to the Indians, and accounts of their leading chiefs.
EASTMAN, CHARLES A. Indian boyhood (New York, 1902). Il-
lustrated.
An interesting picture of Indian boys' life, as it records the experiences
and impressions of the writer (a Sioux Indian) in boyhood and early
youth.
The soul of the Indian: an interpretation (Boston, 1911).
The author, writing as an Indian, aims "to paint the religious life of
the typical American Indian as it was before he knew the white man." A
valuable contribution to our data for a real understanding of the Indian
character.
EASTMAN, CHARLES A. (Ohiyesa) and Elaine Goodale. Sioux
folk tales retold (Boston, 1909). Illustrated.
EASTMAN, MARY H. The American aboriginal portfolio (Phila-
delphia, [1853]). Illustrated.
Descriptive sketches of Indian life and customs, accompanied by hand-
some steel engravings from drawings by Capt. S. Eastman, U.S.A. (ap-
parently the same plates as those in SchoolcrafVs Indian Tribes).
Chicora, and other regions of the conquerors and the conquered
(Philadelphia, 1854). Illustrated.
Sketches of Indian life, beliefs, etc.
Dahcotah, or, life and legends of the Sioux around Fort Snel-
ling (New York, 1849). Illustrated.
Written from intimate knowledge and direct observation of the Sioux
Indians, who related many of their legends to the author (whose father
and husband were army officers in the Northwest) .
EDWARDS, NINIAN W. History of Illinois from 1778 to 1833, and
life and times of Ninian Edwards (Springfield, 111., 1870).
Contains full account of the Black Hawk War, and many letters from
high officials to Gov. Edwards.
EGGLESTON, EDWARD, and L. E. Seelye. Tecumseh and the Shaw-
nee prophet (New York, 1878). Illustrated.
Also includes sketches of Indian chiefs and American officers famous in
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 319
the frontier wars of Tecumseh's time. A popular narrative, but based on
reliable authorities.
ELLIS, GEORGE E. The red man and the white man in North Amer-
ica (Boston, 1882).
Discusses traits of character of the Indians, their relations with the white
people, missions, our policy toward the red men, their capacity for civiliza-
tion, etc.
EMERSON, ELLEN RUSSELL. Indian myths, or legends, traditions,
and symbols of the aborigines of America compared with those of
other countries (Boston, 1884). Illustrated.
A valuable work, showing much research and learning.
EVARTS, JEREMIAH. Essays on the present crisis in the condition of
the American Indians (Boston, 1829).
"These essays, twenty-four in number, were first published in the
National Intelligencer under the pseudonym of 'William Penn.' They con-
stitute a very fine exposition of the wrongs committed against the Indians
and bear few traces of having been written from the absolutely missionary
point of view." — ABEL.
, editor. Speeches on the passage of the bill for the removal of
the Indians, delivered in the Congress of the United States, April-
May, 1830 (Boston, 1830).
FARRAND, LIVINGSTON. Basis of American history, 15001900 (New
York, 1904). Illustrated.
This is volume II of The American Nation', a history (Albert B. Hart,
editor.
FEATHERSTONHAUGH, G. W. A canoe voyage up the Minnay Sotor
(London, 1847). 2 vols.
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. Publications: anthropological series
(Chicago, 1895-1905). Vols. i-ix.
FIELD, THOMAS W. An essay towards an Indian bibliography, be-
ing a catalogue of books relating to the history, antiquities, lan-
guages, customs, religion, war, literature, and origin of the Amer-
ican Indians, in the library of Thomas W. Field (New York,
1873).
FILLMORE, JOHN C. The harmonic structure of Indian music.
In Amer. Anthropologist, new series, vol. i, 297-318. The author was a
professional musician, of long experience and fine taste.
A study of Omaha Indian music . . . with a report on the
structural peculiarities of the music (Cambridge, 1893).
This paper, with another on Omaha music by Alice C. Fletcher, ap-
peared in Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of Peabody Museum, vol. i,
no. 5.
320 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
FINLEY, JAMES B. Life among the Indians; or, personal reminis-
cences and historical incidents illustrative of Indian life and char-
acter (Cincinnati, 1868).
Written by a Methodist missionary among the Indians, chiefly the
Wyandotts; contains much regarding the history of this tribe and others in
their relations with the whites, from 1800 on.
History of the Wyandott mission at Upper Sandusky, Ohio
(Cincinnati, 1840).
FLETCHER, ALICE C. A study of the Omaha tribe: the import of the
totem.
In Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1897, pp. 577-586.
Indian education and civilization (Washington, 1888).
Published in Ex. Docs. no. 95, 48th congress, second session. A special
report from the Bureau of Education; reviews missionary and educational
work among the Indians from the earliest of such enterprises to the time of
this report; gives abstracts of treaties with the tribe, and description, sta-
tistics, and other valuable data for each of the Indian reservations. A con-
densed and excellent book of reference for the subject
Indian song and story from North America (Boston, 1900).
"Contains the music of the ghost, love, and other songs in the Omaha
language." Miss Fletcher has made a specialty of Indian music, and has
spent many years in the study of some of the plains tribes.
FORSYTH, THOMAS. Letter-books, memoirs, etc., 1804-1833. Ms.
9 vols.
These papers and books are in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical
Society. They are all original documents (save two letter-books, which are
transcripts from the originals), and concern the affairs of Forsyth's agency
at Rock Island (1812-1830), the fur-trade, and the Indian tribes of that
region ; they include many letters from William Clark and Gov. Ninian
Edwards, and much official correspondence, besides the two memoirs (by
Forsyth and Marston) reproduced in the present volume.
FOWKE, GERARD. Archaeological history of Ohio : the mound-builders
and later Indians (Columbus, 1902).
Stone art (Washington, 1896).
In Report of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, 1891-1892, pp. 47-178.
FRAZER, J. G. Totemism (Edinburgh, 1887).
FROBENIUS, LEO. The childhood of man: a popular account of the
lives, customs, and thoughts of the primitive races (Philadelphia,
1909). Illustrated.
Based on the latest authorities, and shows extensive research. This
edition is a translation from the German by the well-known ethnographer,
A. H. Keane.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 321
FULTON, A. R. The red men of Iowa (Des Moines, la., 1882).
Illustrated.
A history of the Indian tribes who resided in Iowa; sketches of chiefs;
traditions, etc.; a general account of the Indian tribes and wars of the
Northwest; etc. The material was obtained from writings of local his-
torians, interviews with pioneers, etc.
GALE, GEORGE. The Upper Mississippi : or historical sketches of the
mound-builders, the Indian tribes, and the progress of civilization
in the Northwest; from A.D. 1600 to the present time (Chicago,
1867).
GALLATIN, ALBERT. A synopsis of the Indian tribes of North Amer-
ica.
In Transactions and Collections of the Amer. Antiquarian Society, 1838,
vol. ii.
GANNETT, HENRY. A gazetteer of Indian Territory (Washington,
1905).
Issued as Bulletin, no. 248 of the U.S. Geological Survey.
GARLAND, HAMLIN. The red men's present needs.
in North American Review, April, 1902.
GERARD, W. R. Plant names of Indian origin (New York, 1896).
In Garden and Forest, vol. ix.
GREEN BAY AND PRAIRIE DU CHIEN PAPERS. Ms. 99 vols.
Of similar character to the "Grignon, Lawe, and Porlier Papers," ex-
cept that they relate to the regions of both Green Bay and Prairie du Chien.
They were obtained from the estates of Morgan L. Martin, Green Bay
(one of the most prominent among the early American pioneers in Wis-
consin), and Hercules L. Dousman, of Prairie du Chien, a leading fur-
trader (for some years a representative of the American Fur Company).
This collection is in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society.
GRIFFIN, A. P. C. List of references on the relations of the Indians
to the U.S. government (Washington, 1902). Ms.
In library of Wisconsin State Historical Society.
GRIGNON, LAWE, and Porlier Papers, 1712-1873. Ms. 65 vols.
This collection, consisting of letters, accounts, legal documents, etc.,
which had accumulated for a century and a half in the possession of the
families bearing the above names, who were the chief factors in the fur-trade
that centered in or passed through Green Bay, Wis., is now in the pos-
session of the Wisconsin Historical Society. "A miscellaneous and highly
valuable collection of letters and varied documents both in French and
English — social, commercial, ecclesiastical, political, and military — throwing
a flood of light on the early history of the region ranging from Mackinac
to the upper Mississippi, and between Lake Superior and the Illinois coun-
try." - THWAITES.
322 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
GARNEAU, F. X. Histoire du Canada depuis sa decouverte jusqu'a
nos jours (Montreal, 1882).
The above is the fourth edition. An English translation, annotated,
was published by Andrew Bell, third edition (Montreal, 1866).
HADDON, ALFRED C. The study of man (New York, 1898). Il-
lustrated.
Treats of measurements and head-form in anthropology, the origin of
some primitive vehicles, and the sources of various games and other amuse-
ments.
HAILMANN, WILLIAM N. Education of the Indian (St. Louis,
1904).
No. 19 of Monographs on Education in U.S., issued by the educational
department of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
HAINES, ELIJAH M. The American Indian (Chicago, 1888). Il-
lustrated.
A popular cyclopedia of Indian ethnology; includes also chapters on
relations between the red men and the whites, the history of the "Order of
Red Men," Indian vocabularies, and the meaning of Indian geographical
names; is based on the works of standard authorities.
HALE, HORATIO. Hiawatha and the Iroquois confederation : a study
in anthropology (Salem, 1881).
Indian migrations as evidenced by language, comprising the
Huron-Cherokee, Dakota, and other stocks (Chicago, 1883).
, editor. The Iroquois Book of Rites (Philadelphia, 1883).
From Ms. records made by the Indians themselves, containing the rituals
used in their council meetings; Hale (who was an accomplished linguist
and ethnologist) copied and translated, with the assistance of the most
learned Iroquois chiefs, these rituals — to which he has added glossary, anno-
tations, etc., and a critical introduction describing the organization, govern-
ment and laws, traditions, character, policy, and language of the Iroquois
peoples.
HARRISON, J. B. The latest studies on Indian reservations (Phila-
delphia, 1887).
Published by the Indian Rights Association.
HARRISON, WILLIAM H. Aborigines of the Ohio Valley (Chicago,
1884).
No. 26 of Fergus Hist. Series. This book also contains speeches by
Miami chiefs in a council at Ft. Wayne, Sept. 4, 1811; and an account (from
a Ms.) of the history, customs, etc., of the Northwestern Indians.
HARSHBERGER, J. W. Maize: a botanical and economic study
(Philadelphia, 1893).
Contributions of Botanical Laboratory of Univ. Pennsylvania, vol. i, no. 2.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 323
HARVEY, HENRY. History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year
1 68 1 to 1854, inclusive (Cincinnati, 1855).
The author was sent by the Society of Friends as a missionary among
the Shawnees, and was with that tribe when they were obliged to surrender
their homes and lands in Ohio (1832).
HEARD, ISAAC V. D. History of the Sioux war and massacres of
1862 and 1863 (New York, 1865). Illustrated.
Written by a member of Sibley's expedition against the Sioux in 1862,
from first-hand sources of various kinds.
HEBBERD, S. S. History of Wisconsin under the dominion of France
(Madison, Wis., 1890).
HENNEPIN, Louis. Description de la Louisiane. . . Les moeurs
et la maniere de vivre des sauvages (Paris, 1683).
A translation of this work, with annotations, by J. G. Shea, was pub-
lished at New York in 1880. A reprint of the English edition of 1698,
edited by R. G. Thwaites, with numerous annotations, was issued in 1903,
at Chicago.
HEWITT, J. N. B. Iroquois cosmogony (Washington, 1903).
In Report of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, 1899-1900.
HODGE, FREDERICK W., editor. Handbook of American Indians
north of Mexico: parts I and 2 (Washington, 1907 and 1910).
Illustrated.
This is Bulletin no. 30, Bureau of Amer. Ethnology. This great work —
actually begun in 1885, and its central idea conceived in 1873 — forms a
most valuable Indian cyclopedia. It has been prepared by the trained
specialists of the Bureau, aided by others from the various government
bureaus and the great museums of the country; and it represents the latest
data and the most reliable conclusions thus far reached by experts in Amer-
ican ethnology and archaeology. "It has been the aim," says its editor, "to
give a brief description of every linguistic stock, confederacy, tribe, sub-
tribe, or tribal subdivision, and settlement known to history or even to
tradition, as well as the origin and derivation of every name treated, when-
ever such is known." These tribal descriptions (including history, location,
population, etc.) are followed by full bibliographical references to authori-
ties for each variant of the tribal name. Special subjects, such as "Dreams
and visions," "Food," "Pueblos," "War," are fully discussed by expert
writers; and biographical sketches of noted Indians are furnished. At the
end is a synonymy of all the names and variants mentioned in the articles
on tribes; and a full bibliography of printed books and other sources. These
occupy respectively one hundred and fifty-eight and forty-three pages of
fine type, giving the information in the shortest form possible; and both
these features will be prized for reference by students.
HOFFMAN, WALTER J. The Menomini Indians (Washington,
1896). Illustrated.
324 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
A valuable monograph on that tribe, written by a careful and trained
ethnologist; he treats, with much detail, their history, government, cult
societies, myths, and folk-tales, games and dances, dwellings and furniture,
industries and occupations, food, etc. An extensive vocabulary of their
language is added at the close. In the fourteenth Report of Bureau of
Amer. Ethnology.
HOFFMAN, WALTER J. The Mide'wiwin or "grand medicine socie-
ty" of the Ojibwa (Washington, 1891).
In Report of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, 1885-1886, pp. 149-300. This
paper is of special interest as describing the proceedings and ceremonies of
an Indian secret society.
HOLMES, W. H. Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United States
(Washington, 1903).
In Report of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, 1898-1899. Other archaeologi-
cal papers by Holmes concerning the field of this work are published in
the second, third, fourth, sixth, and thirteenth of the Bureau's Reports.
Sacred pipestone quarries of Minnesota, and ancient copper mines
of Lake Superior.
In Proceedings of Amer. Assoc. for Advancement of Science, 1892, pp.
277-279.
, and others. Arrows and arrow-makers : a symposium.
In Amer. Anthropologist, vol. iv, 45-74.
HORNADAY, WILLIAM F. The extermination of the American bison,
with a sketch of its discovery and life history.
In Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1887, part ii, pp. 367-548.
HOUGH, FRANKLIN B., editor. Proceedings of the commissioners
of Indian affairs, appointed by law for the extinguishment of In-
dian titles in the state of New York (Albany, 1861).
"Published from the original manuscript in the library of the Albany
Institute."
HOUGH, WALTER. Fire-making apparatus in the United States Na-
tional Museum (Washington, 1890).
In Report U.S. National Museum, 1888.
HOY, P. R. How and by whom were the copper implements made?
(Racine, 1886).
HULBERT, ARCHER B. The historic highways of America (Cleve-
land, 1902-1903). 1 6 vols. Illustrated.
This series undertakes to show the intimate connection of America's
history and development with the highways and waterways which connected
the seaboard with the vast interior of this continent — traced successively by
.herds of buffalo, by Indian trade and migration, and by white pioneers,
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 325
and followed in later years by the great transcontinental railroads. The
following volumes are those of special interest for students of Indian his-
tory: I, "Paths of the mound-buildings Indians and great game animals;"
II, "Indian thoroughfares;" and vii, "Portage paths: the keys to the conti-
nent"
HUNTER, JOHN DUNN. Manners and customs of several Indian
tribes located west of the Mississippi (Philadelphia, 1823).
Contains biographical sketch of the author, and account of his captivity
among the Kickapoo Indians; description of Missouri and Arkansas ter-
ritories, and their products; account of customs, mode of life, industries,
character, etc., of Indians therein; and chapters on their materia medica,
and practice of surgery and medicine.
The Indian sketch-book (Cincinnati, 1852).
ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY. Collections (Springfield,
1906-1910+). Illustrated.
These publications contain valuable original documents relating to the
early history of Illinois, ably edited by experienced and scholarly investi-
gators. The "Virginia Series" is useful for readers interested in the
French element of Illinois history, and in the Indians; it includes "Cahokia
records, 1778-1790," "Kaskaskia records" (for the same period), and "George
Rogers Clark papers" — the last to be published (1911) in three volumes.
ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Transactions (Springfield,
1901-1910+).
Journal (Springfield, 1908-1911+).
INDIAN AFFAIRS. Report on the fur trade (Washington, 1828).
In Senate Committee Reports, 2oth congress, second session.
Information in relation to the Superintendency of Indina Affairs
in the Territory of Michigan, 1820-1821 (Washington, 1822).
Contains accounts of Lewis Cass as superintendent, letters by him relat-
ing to the Indian tribes, etc.
INDIAN AFFAIRS, OFFICE OF (War Department). Reports (Wash-
ington, 1825-1848).
(Department of the Interior). Report of the Commissioner
(Washington, 1849-1910+).
Both these series constitute an official record of Indian affairs, of prime
value.
Records. Ms.
These date from 1800 only, as in that year the earlier records were
destroyed by fire; and since then various injuries and losses have occurred
through removals, lack of proper facilities for their care, etc. Still, they
constitute the most important materials extant for study of Indian history
and affairs - in which much aid is rendered by the description of these rec-
326 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
ords contained in Van Tyne and Leland's Guide to the Archives, second
edition (Washington, 1908), pp. 205-209.
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. [Chronological list of famous American In-
dians, with biographies.]
In National Cyclopedia of American Biography, index vol., p. 169.
INDIAN BOARD for the emigration, preservation, and improvement of
the aborigines of America. Documents and proceedings relating
to the formation and progress of a board [for the purpose above
stated], (New York, 1829).
INDIAN COMMISSIONERS, BOARD OF. Annual reports (Washington,
18701910+).
Journal of the second annual conference with the representatives
of the religious societies cooperating with the government, and re-
ports of their work among the Indians (Washington, 1873).
INDIANS, LAWS RELATING TO. Laws of the colonial and state govern-
ments, relating to Indians and Indian affairs, 1633-1831 (Wash-
ington, 1832).
A compilation from the revised statutes of the United States;
and acts of Congress . . . relating to Indian affairs, not em-
braced in or repealed by the revision of the United States statutes
(Washington, 1875).
[INDIAN POLICY of the Government. Various articles in reviews and
magazines, 1874-1882.]
In Presbyterian Quarterly and Princeton Review, July, 1875, Jan- and
Oct., 1876; Catholic World, Oct. and Nov., 1877, Oct., 1881; Methodist
Quarterly Review, July, 1877; Nation, July 20, 1876, Sept. 6, 1877, July 4
and Nov. 28, 1878, June 30, 1881; North Amer. Review, March, 1879, July,
1881, March, 1882; Penn. Monthly, March, 1879, Oct., 1880; International
Review, June, 1879; Harper's Magazine, April, 1878, April, 1881; Catholic
Presbyterian, April, 1881, Feb., 1882; Amer. Law Review, Jan., 1881; Amer.
Catholic Quarterly, July, 1881. These are papers by able writers, on Pres.
Grant's policy, the legal status of the Indians, their education at Hampton
and Carlisle, and the "Indian problem" in general.
INDIAN RIGHTS ASSOCIATION. Annual report of the executive com-
mittee (Philadelphia, 1883-1911+).
Publications (Philadelphia, 1893-1909). 59 pamphlets.
Besides these, the Association has published other pamphlets, of occa-
sional character.
INDIAN TERRITORY, GENERAL COUNCIL. Journal of annual session,
1873 (Lawrence, Kans., 1873).
This council, the fourth of its kind, sat during May 5-15, 1873; it was
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 327
"composed of delegates duly elected from the Indian tribes legally resident"
in Indian Territory.
INDIAN TREATIES, and laws and regulations relating to Indian affairs.
Washington, 1826.
Compiled by order of Secretary of War Calhoun, who ordered one
hundred and fifty copies to be "printed for the use of the Department."
Contains also a supplementary collection of treaties and other documents
relative to Indian affairs, "to the end of the Twenty-first Congress" (i.e., to
February, 1831).
Treaties between the United States of America and the several
Indian tribes, from 1778 to 1837 (Washington, 1837).
Published by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Under an alphabeti-
cal list of the tribes is a tabular enumeration of the treaties, with concise
abstract of the provisions in each. This is followed by the full texts of
the treaties, in chronological order. Some of the minor treaties can be
found only here.
A compilation of all the treaties between the United States and
the Indian tribes now in force as laws (Washington, 1873).
Indian affairs: laws and treaties (Washington, 1903, 1904).
First edition, Senate Document, no. 452, 57th congress, first session;
second edition, Senate document, no. 319, 58th congress, second session.
INGERSOLL, ERNEST. Wampum and its history (Philadelphia, 1883).
In Amer. Naturalist, vol. xvii, 467-479.
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS. [See Congres Inter-
nationale des Americanistes.]
IOWA STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Annals (Iowa City, 1863-
1910+). Illustrated.
JAMES, GEORGE WHARTON. Indian basketry (New York, 1901;
Pasadena, Cal., 1902). Illustrated.
What the white race may learn from the Indian (Chicago,
1908). Illustrated.
Valuable as calling attention, in vigorous and interesting style, to various
admirable features in the mode of life, and the social, mental, and moral
traits, of the Indian peoples. The author knows the Indians well from
personal acquaintance and extensive observation, and well advocates the
thesis stated in the title of his book.
JENKS, ALBERT E. The childhood of Ji-shib, the Ojibwa and . . .
pen sketches (Madison, Wis., 1900).
JESUIT RELATIONS (Paris, 1640-1672; Quebec, 1869 [3 vols.] ; Cleve-
land, 1896-1901 [73 vols.]).
The annual reports sent by the Jesuit missionaries among the Indians
328 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
to their superiors in France; the original publications are rare and costly.
The Quebec reprint was published by the Canadian government. The
Cleveland reissue (edited by Reuben G. Thwaites and Emma Helen Blair) ,
entitled The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, added to the original
Relations many later ones, with letters and other documents written by the
Jesuit missionaries; also portraits, maps, and other illustrations — the whole
accompanied by a page-to-page English translation and copious annotations,
bibliographical data, etc. These missionary reports have always been ac-
cepted as authorities of the first importance, on all matters relating to the
Indians from Labrador to Minnesota, and from Hudson's Bay to the Ohio
River; and they are especially valuable because they show, depicted by
educated men, aboriginal life and character in their primitive conditions, as
yet untouched or but slightly afifected by contact with Europeans.
JOHNSON, ELIAS. Legends, traditions, and laws of the Iroquois, or
Six Nations, and history of the Tuscarora Indians (Lockport, N.Y.,
1881).
Written by a Tuscarora chief; although in rather desultory and scrappy
form, contains considerable information of value.
JONES, REV. PETER. History of the Ojebway Indians; with especial
reference to their conversion to Christianity (London [1862?]).
Illustrated.
An Ojibwa chief by birth (his Indian name Kahkewaquonaby), and
converted to the Christian faith in his youth, the author was a missionary
among his people for more than twenty-five years, until his death (June 29,
1856). His account of the Ojibwas is descriptive, historical, and ethnologi-
cal ; and, like Copway's, contains valuable data regarding those tribes,
especially authoritative as furnished by Ojibwas of high standing.
JONES, WILLIAM. Fox texts (Leyden, 1907).
Contains folk-tales (in history, mythology, tradition, etc.) collected by
Jones (himself a Fox Indian) from the elders of his tribe; with English
translations. "Among the best records of American folk-lore that are avail-
able." This is volume I of the Publications of the Amer. Ethnological
Society of New York. The author, a trained and enthusiastic ethnologist,
was slain (while in the prime of manhood) by hostile natives in Luzon, P.I.,
March 28, 1909.
KANSAS STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Transactions (Topeka, 1881-
1910+). Vols. i-x. Illustrated.
KEANE, AUGUSTUS H. Man past and present (Cambridge, Eng.,
1899). Illustrated.
An account of the various races of man, their origin, relations, and de-
velopment; contains abundant references to the best authorities.
The world's people: a popular account of their bodily and men-
tal characteristics, beliefs, traditions, and political and social insti-
tutions (London, 1908). Illustrated.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 329
KEATING, WILLIAM H. Narrative of an expedition to the sources of
the St. Peter's River, Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, etc.,
1823 (Philadelphia, 1824). 2 vols. Illustrated.
This expedition was conducted by Major Stephen H. Long, sent by the
War Department to explore the almost unknown wilderness of Northern
Minnesota. "One of the earliest and best accounts of the Sioux and Chip-
peways that we have" (Eames). Volume n contains a comparative vocabu-
lary of the Sauk, Sioux, Chippeway, and Cree languages.
KELTON, DWIGHT H. Indian names of places near the Great Lakes
(Detroit, 1888).
KINGSFORD, WILLIAM. The history of Canada. Indexed. (Toron-
to, 1887-1898). 10 vols.
KINZIE, JULIETTE A. M. Wau-Bun, the "early day of the North-
west" (New York, 1856).
A new edition of this book, with an introduction and notes by R. G.
Thwaites, has been published (Chicago, 1901). The author was wife of
the noted Chicago early trader, John H. Kinzie; and her book throws much
light on early Illinois history and Indian character.
KOHL, J. G. Kitchi-Gami : wanderings round Lake Superior (Lon-
don, 1860).
"One of the most exhaustive and valuable treatises of Indian life ever
written. It is wholly the result of personal experiences. Kohl lived inti-
mately with the Indian tribes round Lake Superior, and endeavored to
penetrate the thick veil of distrust, ignorance, and superstition of the tribes
with whom he lived." — WILBERFORCE EAMES.
LAFITAU, J. F. Moeurs des sauvages Ameriquains, comparees aux
moeurs des premiers temps (Paris, 1724). 2 vols. Illustrated.
A valuable early account of the Indian tribes; one of the standard
authorities.
LA FLESCHE, FRANCIS. The middle five; Indian boys at school
(Boston, 1900).
A story, drawn from actual experiences and persons, of the (mission)
school life of some Omaha boys ; written by one of them.
LAHONTAN, ARMAND Louis DE. Voyages dans 1'Amerique septen-
trionale (Amsterdam, 1728). 2 vols. Illustrated.
An interesting account of travels in the interior of the North American
continent, and of the savage tribes dwelling therein. The English edition
of 1703 has been reprinted (Chicago, 1905), edited and annotated by R. G.
Thwaites.
LAKE MOHONK [N.Y.] CONFERENCE of Friends of the Indian. Pro-
ceedings of first to twenty-seventh annual meetings (Boston, 1883-
1910+).
330 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
Since the acquisition of insular possessions by the United States, their
inhabitants are added to the scope of this conference.
LAPHAM, INCREASE A. The antiquities of Wisconsin, as surveyed
and described (Washington, 1885).
In Contributions to Knowledge of Smithsonian Institution, vol. vii. Lap-
ham was a pioneer scientist of unusual ability and intellectual breadth.
A geographical and topographical description of Wisconsin;
with brief sketches of its history . . . antiquities ( Milwaukee,
1844).
The number, locality, and times of removal of the Indians of
Wisconsin (Milwaukee, 1870).
LARIMER, MRS. S. L. The capture and escape; or, life among the
Sioux (Philadelphia, 1870).
LE SUEUR, Pierre, and others. Early voyages up and down the
Mississippi by Cavelier, St. Cosme, Le Sueur, Gravier, and Guig-
nas (Albany, N.Y., 1861).
These narratives of early exploration were translated and annotated by
J. G. Shea, in the above book.
LEUPP, FRANCIS E. The Indian and his problem (New York,
1910).
Of especial interest, as written by the late commissioner of Indian af-
fairs; he has urged the abolition of the reservation system and of the Indian
Office, the Indians to become citizens of the U.S., on the same footing as
the whites.
LINCOLN, BENJAMIN. Journal of a treaty held in 1793 with the In-
dian tribes northwest of the Ohio by commissioners of the United
States (Boston, 1836).
In Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, third ser., vol. v,
109-176.
LONG, J. Voyages and travels of an Indian interpreter and trader,
describing the manners and customs of the North American In-
dians (London, 1791).
An early and valued account of the tribes in Canada and the region
of the Great Lakes to the Mississippi River. Contains an extensive vocabu-
lary of the Chippewa language, and other linguistic data. The author was
in the service of the Hudson Bay Company, and traveled among the In-
dians for nineteen years. A French translation was published at Paris in
1794, and had another edition in 1810. This important work has been
reprinted in Thwaites's Early Western Travels, vol. ii.
LUNDY, JOHN P. Zea maize, as it relates to the incipient civilization
of Red Men all the world over.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 33 1
In Proceedings of Phila. Numismatic and Antiquarian Society, 1883,
pp. 15-22.
McCoy, REV. ISAAC. Correspondence and journals, 1808-1847. Ms.
These documents are in possession of the Kansas Historical Society, and
contain much information on "the actual removal of the Indians, especially
of the northern tribes after 1830. McCoy surveyed, or superintended the
survey, of several of the early reservations in Kansas, and located most of
the tribes that went there. The government placed great reliance on him,
and his truly kindly disposition toward the emigrants softened the rigor
of the Jacksonian measures." — ABEL.
The annual register of Indian affairs within the Indian (or
Western) Territory (Shawanoe Baptist Mission, Ind. Ten, 1835-
1837), nos. 1-4.
Contains valuable information about Indian Territory and the tribes
settled therein; missions and schools among them, supported by various
religious denominations.
History of Baptist Indian missions (New York, 1840).
Covers the period from 1818; is especially full regarding the Ottawas
and Potawatomi.
McGuiRE, JOSEPH D. Pipes and smoking customs of the American
aborigines, based on material in the U.S. National Museum.
In Report of U.S. National Museum, 1897, part i, pp. 351-645.
McKENNEY, THOMAS L. Sketches of a tour to the [Great] Lakes,
of the character and customs of the Chippeway Indians, and of
incidents connected with the treaty of Fond du Lac (Baltimore,
1827). Illustrated.
The author was associated with Lewis Cass in negotiating the above
treaty (Aug. 5, 1826), and belonged to the U.S. Indian Department. At
the end of the volume are given the text of the treaty, a journal of the
proceedings therein, and a Chippewa vocabulary; and the book has numer-
ous illustrations. Gives interesting accounts of Indian life, and descriptions
of the Lake region, as they appeared at that time.
— Memoirs, official and personal, with sketches of travels among
the Northern and Southern Indians; second edition, 2 vols. in I
(New York, 1846) . Illustrated.
The author was U.S. superintendent of the Indian trade during 1816-
1822, and later (1824-1830) chief of the Indian Bureau (the first to hold
that post). Volume I recounts his experiences in these offices; volume II
contains his reflections on the origin of the Indians, their claims on us for
aid and justice, and a plan for their preservation and "the consolidation of
peace between them and us."
and James Hall. History of the Indian tribes of North Amer-
332 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
ica, with biographical sketches and anecdotes of the principal chiefs
(Philadelphia, 1854). 3 vols. Illustrated.
A smaller reprint (in royal octavo) from the folio edition of 1848. Con-
tains one hundred and twenty large and well-colored "portraits from the
Indian Gallery in the Department of War, at Washington." Revised and
enlarged by McKenney, who probably wrote the unsigned historical sketch
of the Indian race in volume in; Hall contributed the "Essay on the history
of the North American Indians," which follows. It contains one hundred
and twenty large colored portraits of Indian chiefs, from the original
paintings, mostly by an artist named King, who was employed by the gov-
ernment to paint portraits of the chiefs who visited Washington.
McKENNEY, THOMAS L. and Matthew Irwin. The fur trade and
factory system at Green Bay, 1816-1821.
In Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. vii, 269-288.
McKENZiE, FAYETTE A. The Indian in relation to the white popu-
lation of the United States (Columbus, O., 1908).
Reviews the policy of the U.S. government toward the Indians, the
political status of the latter, their lands and funds, education, missions,
and other topics; contains much useful and recent information as to the
advancement and present status of the Indians ; and advocates the abolition
of the reservation, final allotment of lands, Indian citizenship, provision of
better training and opportunities on industrial lines, etc.
MCLAUGHLIN, JAMES. My friend the Indian (Boston, 1910).
Illustrated.
The author was Indian agent and inspector for many years.
McMASTER, JOHN B. A history of the people of the United States,
1783-1861 (New York, 1884-1900). 5 vols.
MAIR, CHARLES. The American bison — its habits, methods of cap-
ture and economic use in the northwest, with reference to its
threatened extinction and possible preservation.
In Proceedings and Transactions of Royal Society of Canada, first ser.,
vol. viii, sec. 2, pp. 93-108.
MALLERY, GARRICK. Sign language among North American In-
dians, compared with that among other peoples and deaf-mutes
(Washington, 1881). Illustrated.
In Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, first Report, 263-552.
Picture-writing of the American Indians (Washington, 1893).
Illustrated.
Bureau of American Ethnology, Tenth Report, 25-807.
MANYPENNY, GEORGE W. Our Indian wards (Cincinnati, 1880).
The author was commissioner of Indian affairs during 1853-1857, and
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 333
chairman of the Sioux Commission of 1876. He recounts the history of the
Indian peoples in their relations with the whites, from the time of the first
encounter between the two races; contrasts the military with the civil ad-
ministration of Indian affairs; and urges that justice, protection^ and better
industrial opportunities be furnished to these "our wards."
MARGRY, PIERRE. Decouvertes et etablissements des Francais dans
Fouest et dans le sud de 1'Amerique Septentrionale (1614-1754) :
memoires et documents originaux (Paris, 1876-1886). 6 vols.
The following volumes are concerned with the northwest: I (1614-1684),
explorations and discoveries on the Great Lakes, and the Ohio and Mississippi
Rivers; V (1683-1724), formation of a chain of posts between the St. Law-
rence and the Gulf of Mexico; VI (1679-1754), exploration of affluents of
the Mississippi, and discovery of the Rocky Mountains.
MARSH, REV. CUTTING. Letters and journals, 1830-1856. Ms.
39 vols. and 55 letters.
These documents are deposited with the Wisconsin Historical Society.
The author was a missionary of the American Board of Foreign Missions
and of a Scottish missionary society, among the Stockbridge Indians of Wis-
consin; and his papers relate chiefly to religious and educational matters.
Marsh's reports to the Scottish Society for 1831-1848 have been published
(nearly in full) in Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. xv, 39-204.
MARTIN, HORACE F. Castorologia, or the history and traditions of
the Canadian beaver (Montreal, 1892).
MASON, EDWARD G. Illinois in the i8th century (Chicago, 1881).
No. 12 in Fergus Historical Series.
Early Illinois (Chicago, 1889-1890). In 4 parts.
Nos. 31-34 of Fergus Historical Series. Is chiefly devoted to Mcnard,
Todd, and Rocheblave papers.
MASON, OTIS T. Woman's share in primitive culture (New York,
1894). Illustrated.
The origins of inventions: study of industry among primitive
people (London, 1895). Illustrated.
Valuable monographs by this distinguished writer (who was one of the
foremost scientists in America, and curator of ethnology in the U.S. National
Museum from 1884 until his death in 1908) are noted as follows: "Cradles
of the American aborigines" (Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1887) ;
"N. American bows, arrows, and quivers" (id., 1893) ; "Migration and the
food quest" (id., 1894) ; "Influence of environment upon human industries
or arts" (id., 1895) ; "Aboriginal skin-dressing" (Report of U.S. National
Museum, 1889) ; "Primitive travel and transportation" (id., 1894) ; "Abor-
iginal American basketry" (id., 1902). All these are abundantly illustrated.
MATSON, N. French and Indians of Illinois River (Princeton, 111.,
1874).
334 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
From old Mss., local traditions, etc., the author has gleaned interesting
data regarding the Indian tribes in Illinois, and the early settlement of that
region by the French.
MATSON, N. Memories of Shaubena, with incidents relating to the
early settlement of the West (Chicago, 1878 [second edition in
1880]).
A memoir of this noted Potawatomi chief, based largely on information
furnished to the writer by Shaubena himself; contains also much informa-
tion regarding the "Black Hawk War."
MICHIGAN PIONEER AND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Collections and
researches (Lansing, 1887-1910+). Vols. 1-38. Illustrated.
MICHILLIMACKINAC PARISH. Register of baptisms and marriages,
1741-1821. Ms.
The original of this important register is preserved in the parish church
of St. Anne at Mackinac. At the beginning is an abstract of earlier entries
dating back to 1695, copied from an old register which is now lost; there
are also some records of burials, 1743-1806. A facsimile transcription of
the volume is in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, in whose
Collections are published a translation of the entire document (vol. xviii,
469-514, and xix, 1-162).
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Collections (St. Paul, 1850-
1910+). Vols. i-xiv. Illustrated.
Contain many important papers regarding the Indians of Minnesota.
Notable among these are: "Dakota superstitions," G. H. Pond (1867, pp.
32-62) ; "History of the Ojibways," William W. Warren (of Ojibwa
blood), and another account by Edward D. Neill, a scholarly and careful
investigator (vol. v, 21-510) ; "Protestant missions in the Northwest,"
Stephen R. Riggs (vol. vi, 117-188) ; "A Sioux story of the war, 1862,"
Chief Big Eagle (pp. 382-400) ; "Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the
Mississippi River," J. V. Brower (vol. viii, 232-269) ; "The Ojibways in
Minnesota," Joseph A. Gilfillan (vol. ix, 55-128) ; several papers on history
of missions in Minnesota (vol. x, 156-246) ; "The Dakotas or Sioux in
Minnesota as they were in 1834," Samuel W. Pond (vol. xii, 319-501).
Documents relating to the early history of Minnesota. Ms.
These collections contain many original manuscripts of great value for
the history of the upper Mississippi region. Of especial interest are the
papers of Henry H. Sibley, first governor of Minnesota ; journals of Charles
Larpenteur, Indian trader during forty years; letters received by Major
Lawrence Taliaferro (dated 1813-1840) from prominent government of-
ficials; and papers connected with the Sioux outbreak in 1862.
MISSOURI HISTORICAL SOCIETY (St. Louis). Documents relating to
the early history of Missouri. Ms.
A large and valuable collection, mainly concerned with the history of
the region west of the Mississippi. Among them are a considerable num-
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 335
her relating to the subject of the present work, especially as follows: On
trade and Indian affairs in Upper Louisiana, prior to 1800; papers and
letters connected with William Clark's official life; Stephen W. Kearny's
journals of trips up the Mississippi (1820) and Missouri (1824) ; Sibley
manuscripts (1803-1836), largely on Indian affairs; and the Sublette and
Vasquez collections, containing hundreds of letters, business papers, etc.,
relating to the fur-trade during the first half of the nineteenth century.
MOONEY, JAMES. The ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak
of 1890 (Washington, 1896).
In Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, Report for 1892-1893, part ii, pp. 641-
II 10.
Mescal plant and ceremony (Detroit, 1896).
In Therapeutic Gazette, third ser., vol. xii. Cf. also papers by D. W.
Prentiss and F. P. Morgan on same subject (ibid.).
MOOREHEAD, WARREN K. Fort Ancient, the great prehistoric earth-
work of Warren County, Ohio (Cincinnati, 1890).
Primitive man in Ohio (New York, 1892).
Prehistoric implements (Cincinnati, 1900).
Tonda, a story of the Sioux (Cincinnati, 1904). Illustrated.
MORGAN, LEWIS H. League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois
(Rochester, N.Y., 1851). Illustrated.
This is a book of prime authority on the subject of the famous Iroquois
League, and on the character, beliefs, customs, language, etc., of the tribes
composing it. Morgan was adopted into the Seneca tribe, and made a
careful study of the Iroquois peoples and their life. On a large map of the
Iroquois country he shows all the villages and geographical features, with
the Indian name of each — a table of these, with meanings in English, and
identification of locality, appearing at end of volume.
Indian migrations.
In North American Review, Oct., 1869 and Jan., 1870; reprinted in
Beach's Ind. Miscellany, 158-257.
Systems of consanguinity and affinity of the human family
(Washington, 1871).
In Contributions to Knowledge of Smithsonian Institution, vol. xvii.
Houses and house-life of the American aborigines (Washing-
ton, 1881). Illustrated.
In Contributions to Amer. Ethnology of U.S. Geographical and Geologi-
cal Survey, vol. iv.
Ancient society; or researches in the lines of human progress
from savagery through barbarism to civilization (New York,
1878).
Morgan was a profound student of social evolution and the origins of
civilization, and his books are valuable contributions to those subjects.
336 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
MORSE, REV. JEDEBIAH. A report to the Secretary of War of the
United States, comprising a narrative of ... the actual state
of the Indian Tribes in our country (New Haven, 1822), [with
map showing locations of the tribes] .
Pp. 11-96 are occupied with Dr. Morse's report to the secretary of war
(then John C. Calhoun) on his mission from the government to ascertain
the condition of the Indian tribes, performed in the summer of 1820. The
rest of the volume (pp. 97-406) is devoted to numerous appendices illus-
trative of the subject — reports from missionaries, traders, civil and military
officials; speeches by Indian chiefs; extracts from some printed works; de-
scriptions of little-known regions ; and statistical tables showing the condition
of the tribes, the dealings of our government with them, the schools estab-
lished for them, etc. It is a valuable collection of the best material obtain-
able at that time, and furnished by competent observers, mainly eyewitnesses
of what they related.
NEILL, EDWARD DUFFIELD. The history of Minnesota; from the
earliest French explorations to the present time (Minneapolis,
1878, 1882).
First issued in 1858 ; both above editions (the third and fourth) revised
and enlarged by adding much new material, to keep pace with later dis-
covery and research. Written by a scholarly and able historian; contains
much about the Indian tribes in Minnesota. The opening chapters of the
first edition were reprinted as a separate (Phila., 1859) under the title
Dahkotah Land, and Dahkotak Life.
History of the Ojebways and their connection with the fur
traders.
In Minn. Historical Society Collections, vol. v, 395-410.
NOBLE LIVES of a noble race (Odanah, Wis., 1909). Illustrated.
Interesting as being mainly the work of the Indian children in the
Franciscan industrial school at the Odanah mission. Contains also bio-
graphical sketches of missionaries and other friends of the Indians.
NORTH DAKOTA STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Collections (Bis-
mark, 1906-1910+), vols. i-iii.
OGG, FREDERICK A. The opening of the Mississippi : a struggle for
supremacy in the American interior (New York, 1904).
A history of discovery, exploration, and contested rights of navigation on
the Mississippi, prior to the end of the War of 1812-1815; gives special
attention to the physiographic aspects of the history of the Mississippi
basin, and the economic importance of the great river.
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Quarterly
(Columbus, 1887-1910+), vols. i-xix.
OTIS, ELWELL S. The Indian question (New York, 1878).
An able and vigorous presentation of this subject from the standpoint of
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 337
an army officer. He shows that the Indian population is certainly not de-
creasing; reviews the policy of colonial and U.S. governments toward the
Indian tribes, also the treaty system; regards the Indian as incapable of
white civilization; and advocates military control of the reservations.
OWEN, MARY ALICIA. Folk-lore of the. Musquakie Indians of North
America (London, 1904). Illustrated.
This is vol. 51 of Publications of the Folk-lore Society [of Great Britain].
A monograph on the folk-lore and customs of the Musquakie Indians of
Iowa, better known as the Sauk and Foxes, by a lady who for many years
has known these Indians personally and well. During this long acquain-
tance she collected a considerable quantity of specimens of their ceremonial
implements and their beadwork, articles which represented their genuine
native industries and their actual usages in ceremonials; this collection she
presented to the Folk-lore Society, accompanied by careful descriptive notes
and the above monograph. These writings are printed as above, and are
illustrated by eight plates (two in colors) from photographs. A unique
and important contribution to the history of those tribes.
PARKMAN, FRANCIS. The conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian war
after the conquest of Canada (Boston, 1870).
The sixth edition, revised and enlarged.
La Salle and the discovery of the great West (Boston, 1879).
The eleventh edition, revised and enlarged, of "Discovery of the great
West."
The old regime in Canada (Boston, 1874).
A half -century of conflict (Boston, 1892). 2 vols.
Covers the period 1700-1748 ; includes full account of the Fox War.
PARKMAN CLUB OF MILWAUKEE. Papers (Milwaukee, 1896-
1897). 2 vols.
A series of eighteen short monographs on various topics of Wisconsin
and Northwestern history. Among them are: "Nicholas Perrot," G. P.
Stickney (no. i) ; "Voyages of Radisson and Groseilliers," Henry C. Camp-
bell (no. 2); "Chevalier Henry de Tonty," Henry E. Legler (no. 3);
"Aborigines of the Northwest," F. T. Terry (no. 4) ; "Jonathan Carver,"
J. G. Gregory (no. 5) ; "Eleazer Williams," W. W. Wight (no. 7) ; "Charles
Langlade," M. E. Mclntosh (no. 8) ; "Pere Rene Menard," H. C. Campbell
(no. ii ) ; "George Rogers Clark and his Illinois campaign," Dan B. Starkey
(no. iz) ; "The use of maize by Wisconsin Indians," G. P. Stickney (no.
13) ; "Claude Jean Allouez," J. S. La Boule (no. 17).
PEET, STEPHEN D. Myths and symbols, or aboriginal religions in
America (Chicago, 1905). Illustrated.
Discusses such subjects as Totemism and mythology; The serpent symbol
in America ; Sky worship ; Phallic worship and fire worship ; The rain
god; Personal divinities and culture heroes; etc. Written by the editor
(1878-1910) of the American Antiquarian.
338 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
PITEZEL, JOHN H. Lights and shades of missionary life during nine
years spent in the region of Lake Superior (Cincinnati, 1857).
PITTMAN, PHILIP. The present state of the European settlements
on the Mississippi; with a geographical description of that river,
illustrated by plans and draughts (London, 1770).
This important work, now exceedingly rare, has been reprinted by the
A. H. Clark Co. (Cleveland, 1906), edited and annotated by F. H. Hodder.
Pittman was a British military engineer, and gives an accurate account,
written from personal observation of the Mississippi settlements just after
the English occupation of that country as a result of the peace of 1763. An
authority in early Western history, of the highest importance.
POKAGON, SIMON. O-gi-maw-kwe mit-i-gwa-ki - "Queen of the
woods" (Hartford, Mich., 1899).
A partly autobiographical story and a chapter on the Algonquin lan-
guage, written by the noted Potawatomi chief Pokagon; to this the pub-
lisher (C. H. Engle) has added a biographical sketch and other datzu
An Indian on the problems of his race.
In Amer. Review of Reviews, Dec., 1895.
The future of the red man.
In Forum, Aug., 1897.
POOLE, D. C. Among the Sioux of Dakota: eighteen months' ex-
perience as an Indian agent (New York, 1881).
An interesting narrative by an army officer, of his experiences among
the Sioux; he describes their character and mode of life, the difficulties
arising from their relations with the white settlers, and the perplexities en-
countered in the administration of the agency system. Written in a spirit of
fairness, and appreciation of the good traits in Indian character.
POWELL, JOHN W. The North American Indians (New York,
1894).
In N. S. Shaler's U.S. of America, vol. i, 190-272.
Sketch of the mythology of the North American Indians
(Washington, 1881).
In First Report of Bureau Amer. Ethnology, 17-69.
Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico (Wash-
ington, 1891).
In Seventh Report of Bureau of American Ethnology, 7-142.
Technology, or the science of industries.
In Amer. Anthropologist, new series, vol. i, 319-349.
American view of totemism (London, 1902).
In Man, vol. ii, no. 75.
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH in United States, General Assembly. The
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 339
church at home and abroad (Philadelphia, 1887-1898). Vols.
1-24. Illustrated.
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. Presbyterian monthly record (Philadel-
phia, 18501886). Vols. 1-37.
Woman's Board of Home Missions. The home mission
monthly (New York, 1887-1910+). Vols. 1-24. Illustrated.
Women's Foreign Missionary Societies. Woman's work for
woman (Philadelphia, Chicago, and New York, 1871-1910+).
Vols. 1-25.
After 1904 styled Woman's Work.
PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH, Board of Missions. The spirit
of missions (New York, 1836-1910+). Vols. 1-75. Illustrated
(after 1873).
In volume for 1874 is a map of the U.S., showing the Indian reserva-
tions at that time.
RADISSON, PETER ESPRIT. Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson, being
an account of his travels and experiences among the North Amer-
ican Indians, from 1652 to 1684 (Boston, 1885).
Transcribed from original manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and the
British Museum; edited by Gideon D. Scull; published by the Prince
Society. Radisson and his companion, Medart des Groseilliers, explored the
wilderness about Lakes Michigan and Superior (1654-1656), and spent a
winter with the Sioux Indians in the vicinity of Lake Pepin (1659-1660) —
perhaps the first white men to visit those lands; so these narratives are of
special interest and value.
RAMSEY, ALEXANDER. Annual report of the superintendent of In-
dian affairs in Minnesota territory (Washington, 1849).
Senate Executive Document, no. i, 3ist congress, first session.
RATZEL, FRIEDRICH. The history of mankind (London, 1896). 3
vols. Illustrated.
Translated from the second German edition. A popular but reliable
guide to anthropological and ethnological study; and gives a well-written
and systematic account of the races of man throughout the world ; and con-
tains over one thousand one hundred illustrations of excellent quality,
chiefly obtained from material in the great museums.
RAU, CHARLES. Ancient aboriginal trade in North America; and
North American stone implements (Washington, 1873).
In Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1872, pp. 348-408.
REBOK, HORACE M. The last of the Mus-Qua-Kies and the Indian
Congress, 1898 (Dayton, O., 1900). Illustrated.
A historical sketch of the Fox and Sac tribes.
340 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
REYNOLDS, JOHN. The pioneer history of Illinois, 1673-1818 (Chi-
cago, 1887). Illustrated.
First issued at Belleville, 111., 1852; the second edition is much improved.
The author was governor of Illinois during 1832-1834,
My own times, 1800-1855 (Chicago, 1879).
A revised edition of an earlier publication by the Chicago Historical
Society.
RJGGS, STEPHEN R. Tah-koo Wah-kan, or, the gospel among the
Dakotas (Boston, 1869).
A valuable account of the Dakota Sioux, their pagan customs, their native
religious beliefs and worship, Protestant mission work among them, their
outbreak in 1862 and its results. An appendix contains notes on their med-
ical practices, and their songs and music. Written by a noted missionary,
also remarkable for his linguistic ability; he compiled a Dakota grammar
and dictionary (Washington, 1890; Dorsey's ed.), and, with his fellow-
missionary Thomas S. Williamson, translated the entire Bible into that
language — published at Cincinnati (1842), and later at New York (1871-
1872, and 1880).
Mary and I: forty years with the Sioux (Chicago, [1880]).
An interesting narrative of his experiences (1837-1877) as a missionary
among the Sioux; mainly devoted to religious and educational work, but
incidentally discloses considerable relating to Indian life and character.
RIGHT-HAND THUNDER. The Indian and white man; or, the In-
dian in self-defense (Indianapolis, 1880).
Written by an Indian chief; edited by D. W. Risher.
ROBINSON, DOANE. Sioux Indians -a history (Cedar Rapids, la.,
1908). Illustrated.
A full and authoritative history, from the best original sources, of the
Sioux of Dakota; written by the superintendent of the South Dakota His-
torical Society.
, editor. The South Dakotan, a monthly magazine ( Sioux Falls,
S.Dak., 1900-1904).
ROOSEVELT, THEODORE. The winning of the West (New York,
1889-1896). 4vols.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. Proceedings and transactions (Otta-
wa, 1882-1910+).
Contains much valuable material regarding the Indian tribes of the
northern and eastern United States, as well as numerous articles and papers
on Canadian history, biography, etc.
ROYCE, CHARLES C. Indian land cessions in the United States
(Washington, 1900).
In the Eighteenth Report of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, part ii. De-
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 341
scribes the policy toward the Indians of Spaniards, French, and English
respectively, of the several English colonies, and of the United States;
enumerates the treaties and acts of Congress authorizing allotments of land
in severalty; and presents a schedule of land cessions (from 1784 to 1894),
with descriptive and historical data and remarks for each, and maps.
ROYCE, CHARLES C. An inquiry into the identity and history of the
Shawnee Indians.
In Amer. Antiquarian, vol. iii, 177-189.
RUSH, BENJAMIN. An oration . . . containing an enquiry
into the natural history of medicine among the Indians in North
America, and a comparative view of their diseases and remedies,
with those of civilized nations (Philadelphia, [1774]).
RUTTENBER, E. M. History of the Indian tribes of Hudson's River
(Albany, N.Y., 1872). Illustrated.
A reliable account, with numerous annotations, and careful citation of
authorities, of the tribes along the Hudson, some of which are mentioned
by Perrot and La Potherie as being more or less connected with the affairs
of the western tribes.
SCHOOLCRAFT, HENRY R. Notes on the Iroquois; or contributions
to American history, antiquities, and general ethnology (Albany,
1847). Illustrated.
Largely historical and archeological ; contains also several Iroquois tra-
ditions, a chapter on their language, and various miscellanies.
Oneota: or, characteristics of the red race of America (New
York, 1845). Illustrated.
"From original notes and manuscripts."
Algic researches (New York, 1839). 2 vols.
"Comprising inquiries respecting the mental characteristics of the North
American Indians."
Historical and statistical information respecting the history,
condition and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States
(Philadelphia, 1851-1857). 6 vols. Illustrated.
"Collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian
Affairs, per act of Congress of March sd, 1847. Published by authority of
Congress." Schoolcraft used not only his own extensive knowledge, and the
unusual opportunities furnished by his marriage to an Indian woman of
high rank; but the information and experience of many persons throughout
the country who were conversant with Indian character and life, and several
original Ms. accounts, previously unpublished. His work is a cyclopedia of
the best information then available, much of which is not to be found else-
where; and it contains much valuable material (also some of little im-
portance) for the study of Indian ethnology, archaeology, history, languages,
342 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
etc. The illustrations are largely steel engravings, mostly from drawings
by Capt. S. Eastman, U.S.A. ; and include many colored plates. In vol. vi,
the title becomes "History of the Indian tribes of the United States," etc.
SCHOOLCRAFT, HENRY R. The American Indians, their history, con-
dition and prospects, from original notes and manuscripts, new
revised edition (Rochester, 1851).
Personal memoirs of a residence of thirty years with the Indian
tribes on the American frontiers, with brief notices of passing
events, facts, and opinions, A.D. 1812 to A.D. 1842 (Philadelphia,
1851).
SCHULTZ, J. W. My life as an Indian (New York, 1907).
SHARP, MRS. ABIGAIL G. History of the Spirit Lake massacre, and
captivity of Miss Abbie Gardner (Des Moines, 1885).
SHEA, JOHN GILMARY. History of the Catholic missions among
the Indian tribes of the United States, 1529-1854 (New York,
1855). Illustrated.
A valuable work, by a leading authority in Catholic history. He relates
the labors of Catholic missionaries — Spanish, French, and English, includ-
ing even mention of the Northmen in Greenland and Vinland — in North
America, with abundant reference to original authorities, and adds lists of
the French missionaries.
Discovery and exploration of the Mississippi Valley: with the
original narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membre, Hennepin,
and Anastase Douay (New York, 1853).
Translations of above narratives (with annotations and biographical
sketches) by Shea.
Historical sketch of the Tionontates, or Dinondadies, now called
Wyandots.
In Historical Magazine, vol. v.
History of the Catholic Church in the United States from the
first attempted colonization to the present time ( New York, 1 886-
1892). 4 vols.
SMITH, ERMINNIE A. Myths of the Iroquois (Washington, 1883).
In Second Report of Bureau of Amer. Ethnology.
SMITH, GEN. THOMAS A. Letters, reports, and military orders,
1812-1818. Ms.
This officer served in the War of 1812, and during 1815-1818 was at the
head of the Western Military Department, with headquarters at St. Louis.
His letters, orders, etc., despatched in his official capacity, and letters and
reports from his subordinate officers at Forts Smith, Osage, Armstrong, and
Crawford, constitute this valuable collection. It is in the possession of the
State Historical Society of Missouri, at Columbia.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 343
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Annual reports of the Boards of Re-
gents (Washington, D.C., 1847-1910+). Illustrated.
The appendices to these reports contain "miscellaneous memoirs of in-
terest to collaborators and correspondents of the Institution, teachers, and
others engaged in the promotion of knowledge." Among these are often
found papers on archaeological and ethnological subjects, written by experts,
and largely based on material found in the National Museum. Among
these may be noted, in recent reports, the following: Otis T. Mason, "In-
fluence of Environment upon Human Industries or Arts" (1895) ; Thomas
Wilson, "Prehistoric Art" (1896) ; Havelock Ellis, "Mescal, a new Artificial
Paradise" (1897; reprinted from Contemporary Review, Jan., 1897); Alice
C. Fletcher, "The Import of the Totem" [in the Omaha tribe], (1897) ;
W. A. Phillips, "Stone Implements from the southern Shores of Lake Mich-
igan" (1897); O. T. Mason, "Traps of the American Indians" (1901);
W. H. Holmes, "Traces of Aboriginal Operations in an Iron Mine near
Leslie, Mo." (1903) ; id., "The Contributions of American Archeology to
History" (1904); Georg Friederici, "Scalping in America" (1906).
Reports of the United States National Museum (Washington,
1883-1910+). Illustrated.
In recent issues of these Reports are the following papers among those
"describing and illustrating collections" in the Museum: J. D. McGuire,
"Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Aborigines" (1897) ; O» T.
Mason, "The Man's Knife among the North American Indians" (1897) ;
id., "A Primitive Frame for Weaving narrow Fabrics" (1898) ; id., "Abo-
riginal American Harpoons" (1900) ; id., "Aboriginal American Basketry"
(1902).
Smithsonian contributions to knowledge, vols. i-xxxiv (Wash-
ington, 1848-1910+). Illustrated.
Notable articles therein : E. G. Squier, "Ancient Monuments of the Mis-
sissippi Valley" (vol. i) ; id., "Aboriginal Monuments of the State of New
York" (vol. ii) ; Charles Whittlesey, "Description of Ancient Works in
Ohio" (vol. iii) ; I. A. Lapham, "The Antiquities of Wisconsin" (vol. vii) ;
C. Whittlesey, "Ancient Mining on the shores of Lake Superior" (vol. xiii) ;
Lewis H. Morgan, "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human
Family" (vol. xvii) ; Charles Rau, "The Archaeological Collection of the
U.S. National Museum" (vol. xxii) ; id., "Prehistoric Fishing in Europe and
North America" (vol. xxv).
SOCIETY FOR PROPAGATING THE GOSPEL among the Indians and
others in North America, 1787-1887. [Boston, 1887.]
A centennial publication, containing historical sketches of the society,
lists of officers, enumeration of its publications, etc. See the Reports and
other matter issued by the society, for accounts of its work.
SOUTH DAKOTA STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Historical collections
(Aberdeen, 1902-1908+). Illustrated.
344 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
Vol. ii is devoted to a "History of the Sioux Indians," by Doane Robin-
son, secretary of the society.
SQUIER, E. G., and E. H. Davis. Ancient monuments of the Mis-
sissippi valley (Washington, 1848). Illustrations.
In Contrib. to Knowledge of Smithsonian Institution, vol. i.
STARR, FREDERICK. American Indians (Boston, 1899). Illustrated.
"Intended as a reading book for boys and girls in school," for which
purpose it is admirable.
STEARNS, ROBERT E. C. Ethno-conchology: a study of primitive
money.
In Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1887, part ii, pp. 297-334.
STEVENS, FRANK E. The Black Hawk War, including a review of
Black Hawk's life (Chicago, 1903). Illustrated.
By far the most extensive and full account of the Black Hawk War, and
of the life and deeds of that noted chief; based on the best printed sources,
interviews, and correspondences and numerous original documents. Contains
over three hundred portraits and views, of great historical value.
STEWARD, JOHN F. Lost Maramech and earliest Chicago: a history
of the Foxes and of their downfall near the great village of Mara-
mech (Chicago, 1903). Illustrated.
The story of the Fox tribe, as found in original sources, chiefly Mss.
from Paris archives. This author locates at Maramech Hill (near the
junction of Big Rock Creek with the Fox River of Illinois) the great battle
of 1730, when the Fox tribe was almost exterminated.
STICKNEY, GARDNER P. Nicholas Perrot.
The use of maize by Wisconsin Indians.
Both these papers are in Parkman Club Publications, q.v.
Indian use of wild rice.
In Amer. Anthropologist, vol. ix, 115-121.
STITES, SARA H. Economics of the Iroquois (Bryn Mawr, Pa.,
1905).
In Monograph Series of Bryn Mawr College, vol. i, no. 3.
STURTEVANT, LEWIS. Indian corn and the Indian (Philadelphia,
1885).
In Amer. Naturalist, vol. xix.
TANNER, JOHN. Narrative of captivity and adventures during
thirty years' residence among the Indians in the interior of North
America (New York, 1830).
"Prepared for the press by Edwin James, M.D." A detailed narrative
of Tanner's experiences among the Indian tribes of the northwest; their
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 345
customs and mode of life, etc. To this Dr. James has added much linguistic
and ethnological information.
TAYLOR, EDWARD L. Monuments to historical Indian chiefs.
In Publications of Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, vol.
ix, 1-31, xi, 1-29.
TECUMSEH. Letters, notes, memoirs, etc., relating to Tecumseh,
1780-1840. Ms. 13 vols.
A collection by L. C. Draper of materials for an intended life of this
great chief; includes much and valuable unpublished material regarding
Tecumseh's life, travels among the various tribes, influence on his fellow-
Indians, battles, etc. It is in the possession of the Wisconsin State His-
torical Society.
TEXTOR, LUCY E. Official relations between the United States and
the Sioux Indians (Palo Alto, Cal., 1896).
Leland Stanford University Publication. Contains a full resume of the
Indian policy of the United States.
THOMAS, CYRUS. Indians of North America in historic times ( Phila-
delphia, 1903). Illustrated.
In History of North America (Guy C. Lee, editor), vol. ii. Written "in
conference with W. J. McGee."
Introduction to the study of North American archaeology (Cin-
cinnati, 1898; reprinted in 1903).
Burial mounds of the northern section of the United States
(Washington, 1887).
In Fifth Report, Bureau of Amer. Ethnology.
Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the Rocky Mountains
(Washington, 1891).
Bulletin 12, Bureau of Amer. Ethnology. A bibliography of the writings
of this eminent scientist, prepared by himself a short time before his death,
is published in Amer. Anthropologist, new series, vol. xii, 339-343.
THOMAS, WILLIAM I. Source book for social origins: ethnological
materials, psychological standpoint, classified and annotated biblio-
graphies for the interpretation of savage society (Chicago, 1909).
THWAITES, REUBEN G. France in America, 1497-1763 (New York,
1905).
This is vol. vii in The American Nation (A. B. Hart, editor).
The story of Wisconsin (Boston, 1899).
Revised and enlarged from edition of 1890.
Wisconsin: the Americanization of a French settlement (Bos-
ton, 1908).
346 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
THWAITES, REUBEN G. How George Rogers Clark won the North-
west, and other essays in Western history (Chicago, 1903).
Father Marquette (New York, 1902).
The story of the Black Hawk War (Madison, Wis., 1892).
In Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. xii.
(editor). Early western travels, 1748-1846 (Cleveland, 1904-
1907). 32 vols. Illustrated.
"A series of annotated reprints of some of the best and rarest contempo-
rary volumes of travel, descriptive of the Aborigines and social and eco-
nomic conditions in the Middle and Far West, during the period of early
American settlement." A most valuable contribution to American history,
inasmuch as the works here reprinted are seldom found except in the large
collections of Americana, and were thus accessible to but few students ; and
as this edition furnishes with them copious annotations and other aids to the
reader, the results of modern research. Among these writings are some that
relate to the tribes considered in the present work, or to the history of the
period which it covers; the more important of these are noted as follows:
Volume I. Conrad Weiser's journal of a tour to the Ohio, 1748 ; George
Croghan's letters and journals, 1750-1765 ; Charles F. Post's journals of
Western tours, 1758-1759; Thomas Morris's Journal of . . . expe-
riences on the Maumee, 1764. (London, 1791). [These documents are espe-
cially valuable because they furnish the history of English relations with
the French and Indians upon the western borders during the last French
War, and its sequel, Pontiac's conspiracy. Two of the authors, Weiser and
Croghan, were government Indian agents; the third, Post, was a Mora-
vian missionary; and the fourth, Morris, was a British army officer.]
Volume n. J. Long's Voyages and travels of an Indian interpreter and
trader (London, 1791). [The author spent twenty years in the fur-trade
and among the northern tribes, and presents a graphic picture of Indian and
Canadian life, and of conditions and methods in the fur-trade; also many
vocabularies of Indian words, and observations on their analogies.]
Volume v. John Bradbury's Travels in the interior of America, in 1809-
1811 (London, 1819). [Bradbury was a zealous and indefatigable observer,
and traveled through most of the regions of the Mississippi valley, and up
the Missouri. His book is one of the best existing authorities of this period.]
Volume vi. H. M. Brackenridge's Journal of a voyage up the River
Missouri, 1811 (Baltimore, 1816). [A reliable early authority.]
Volume viii. Estwick Evans's Pedestrious tour . . . through the
Western states and territories, 1818 (Concord, N.H., 1819). [Evans traveled
along Lake Erie to Detroit, and down the Ohio and Mississippi to the
Gulf.]
Volume xin. Thomas NuttalPs Journal of travels into the Arkansas Ter-
ritory, 1819; with observations on the manners of the aborigines (Phila-
delphia, 1821). [The author was a scientist of high standing, who in the
pursuit of knowledge traveled more than five thousand miles, through a
region of which most was still the possession of wild Indian tribes; of
these he has given minute and reliable accounts.]
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 347
Volumes xxii-xxv. Prince Maximilien's Voyage in the interior of North
America, 1832-1834. English translation (London, 1843). [An elaborate
account — descriptive, historical, ethnological, and scientific — of the region
between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, and of the Indian tribes
dwelling therein; magnificently illustrated by a special artist who accom-
panied the expedition.]
THWAITES, REUBEN G. (editor). [See also Jesuit Relations; and
Wisconsin Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings.]
TURNER, FREDERICK J. The character and influence of the Indian
trade in Wisconsin; a study of the trading post as an institution
(Baltimore, 1891).
In Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies , vol. ix, 543-615. A revised and en-
larged form of an address given before the Wisconsin Historical Society,
Jan. 3, 1889 (printed in Proceedings of the society, 1889, pp. 52-98).
Rise of the new West, 1819-1829 (New York, 1906).
This is vol. xiv of The American Nation (A. B. Hart, editor).
The significance of the frontier in American history (Madison,
Wis., 1893).
In Proceedings of Wis. Historical Society, 1893, pp. 79-112.
TYLOR, EDWARD B. Primitive culture: researches into the develop-
ment of mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art, and cus-
tom (London, 1903). 2 vols.
First published in 1871 ; above is fourth edition, revised.
UPHAM, WARREN, and others. Minnesota in three centuries: 1655-
1908 ([New York], 1908). 4 vols. Illustrated.
Written by the secretary and other members of the Minnesota Histori-
cal Society, largely from original material in the collections of that society.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. Statistics of Indian tribes,
Indian agencies, and Indian schools of every character; corrected
to January I, 1899 (Washington, 1899).
Half-breed scrip. Chippewas of Lake Superior (Washington,
1874).
"The correspondence and action under the 7th clause of the second
article of the treaty with the Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior and the
Mississippi . . . concluded at La Pointe, Sept. 30, 1854," including also
reports of government commissions appointed in 1871 and 1872.
VERWYST, REV. CHRYSOSTOMUS. Life and labors of Rt. Rev. Fred-
eric Baraga (Milwaukee, 1900). Illustrated.
A carefully-prepared narrative (from original sources) of the noted
Bishop Baraga's missionary labors among the Indian tribes in the north-
ern peninsula of Michigan (1831-1867). Contains much valuable informa-
348 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
tion about the Indians, their mode of life, character, beliefs, etc.; and
includes sketches of earlier missionaries.
VERWYST, REV. CHRYSOSTOMUS. Missionary labors of Fathers Mar-
quette, Menard, and Allouez, in the Lake Superior region (Mil-
waukee and Chicago, 1886).
WAKEFIELD, JOHN A. History of the war between the United
States and the Sac and Fox Nations of Indians (Jacksonville, 111.,
1834; Chicago, 1908, Caxton Club reprint). Illustrated.
A valuable contemporary account, by a militia officer engaged in that
war. To the reprint are added useful notes and a sketch of Wakefield's
life by the editor, Frank E. Stevens.
WALKER, FRANCIS A. The Indian question (Boston, 1874).
The author was commissioner of Indian affairs, and discusses the Indian
policy of the United States.
WARREN, WILLIAM W. History of the Ojibways, based upon tra-
ditions and oral statements (St. Paul, 1885).
This account is contained in vol. v of the Minnesota Historical Society's
Collections, 21-394.
WEBB, J. WATSON, editor. Altowan, or life and adventure in the
Rocky Mountains (New York, 1846). 2 vols.
Contains accounts of the mode of life, character, and traditions of the
Winnebago and Potawatomi Indians.
WEBSTER, HUTTON. Primitive secret societies: a study in early
politics and religion (New York, 1908).
Shows painstaking research and compilation, and is "probably the best
general work on the subject that has yet appeared, at least in English."
It treats such topics as "The men's house," "The puberty institution,"
"The secret rites," "Development of tribal societies," "Clan ceremonies,"
"Magical fraternities," etc.
WHITE, E. E. Service on the Indian reservations (Little Rock,
Ark., 1893).
"The experiences of a special Indian agent while inspecting agencies
and serving as agent for various tribes, including explanations of how the
government service is conducted on the reservations ; descriptions of agencies ;
anecdotes illustrating the habits, customs, and peculiarities of the Indians."
WILSON, DANIEL. Prehistoric man: researches into the origin of
civilization in the Old and the New World, third edition (London,
1876). Illustrated.
In Proceedings of Royal Society of Canada are the following papers by
this author: "The Huron-Iroquois of Canada, a typical race of American
aborigines" (vol. ii, sec. 2, pp. 55-106) ; "Paleolithic dexterity" "(vol. iii,
sec. 2, pp. 119-133) ; "Trade and commerce in the stone age" (vol. vii, sec.
2, pp. 59-87)-
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 349
WILSON, FRAZER E. The treaty of Greenville (Piqua, O., 1894).
Illustrated.
An official account of the treaty, together with the expeditions of St
Clair and Wayne against the northwestern Indian tribes.
WILSON, THOMAS. Arrowpoints, spearheads, and knives of prehis-
toric times.
In Report of U.S. National Museum, 1897, part i, pp. 811-988.
Prehistoric art.
In Report of U.S. National Museum, 1896, pp. 325-664.
Study of prehistoric anthropology.
In Report of U.S. National Museum, 1888, pp. 597-671.
WINSOR, JUSTIN. Mississippi basin: the struggle in America be-
tween England and France, 1697-1763 (Boston and New York,
1895). Illustrated.
Narrative and critical history of America (Boston and N.Y.,
1889). 8 vols. Illustrated.
Volume I is devoted largely to the aborigines of North America; and a
bibliography of that subject is given in pp. 413-444.
The westward movement: the colonies and the republic west of
the Alleghanies (Boston, 1897). Illustrated.
WISCONSIN fur-trade accounts, 1792-1875. Ms. 17 vols.
These papers (in the possession of the Wisconsin State Historical So-
ciety) include invoices, claims, and other business documents, written in
both French and English, and refer to practically all the territory on the
map published with this book. They are concerned mainly with the opera-
tions of the Green Bay fur-traders, and to some extent those of Mackinac;
and include, besides, many military and government accounts.
WISCONSIN STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Collections of the State
Historical Society of Wisconsin. Vols. i-xix (Madison, Wis.,
1855-1910+).
This series constitutes one of our most valuable sources for the history
of French occupation and of the Indian tribes of the northwest. It was
edited by Dr. Lyman C. Draper (1855-1888) and Dr. Reuben G. Thwaites
(since 1888), successively secretaries of the Wisconsin Historical Society,
and both widely known as authorities in the field of Wisconsin history and
in that of the Indian tribes of the state. It contains much original docu-
mentary material, often its first publication; papers and articles by many
specialists in those lines; reminiscences and narratives by old residents,
traders, missionaries, and others; reports of interviews with Indian chiefs,
etc. Many references have been made to the Collections in the annotations
to the present work. The following list of articles especially bearing on the
field of this work may be found therein:
Volume I — Lieut. James Gorrell's journal, 1761-1763, pp. 24-48 (account
350 BIBLIOGRAPHY [Vol.
of the Indians, their commerce, relations with English, councils, etc.) ;
Charles Whittlesey's "Recollections," 1832, pp. 64-85 (Black Hawk War,
and other matter about Indians).
Volume ii — James H. Lockwood's "Early Times in Wisconsin," (1812-
1832, pp. 130-195 (Indian trade, character, customs, relations with whites,
etc.) ; John Shaw's "Narrative," (1812-1816), pp. 204-229 (relations of In-
dians with whites) ; Papers on Winnebago and Black Hawk Wars (1827-
1832), pp. 329-414; "Advent of N.Y. Indians into Wisconsin" (1816-1838),
pp. 415-449.
Volume m — J. G. Shea's "Indian Tribes in Wisconsin," pp. 125-138.
Cass Mss. (documents from French archives, 1723-1727), pp. 139-177 (cus-
toms of Indians, relations with French) ; Alfred Brunson's "Ancient Mounds
in Crawford County," pp. 178-184 (followed by resume of Lapham's An-
tiquities of Wisconsin) ; Augustin Grignon's "Recollections," 1745-1832, pp.
197-295 (Langlade, Indian trade and traders, sketches of Indian chiefs,
etc.) ; B. P. H. Witherell's "Reminiscences," pp. 297-337 (Tecumseh, War
of 1812, etc.) ; R. F. Morse's "Chippewas of Lake Superior," pp. 338-369.
Volume iv — John Y. Smith's "Origin of the American Indians," pp. 117-
152; Ebenezer Childs's "Recollections," pp. 156-185 (1820-1832; Indian
trade, Black Hawk, etc.) ; Alfred Brunson's "Early History of Wisconsin,
pp. 223-251 (Indian tribes, relations with whites) ; various papers relating
to New York Indians, pp. 291-334.
Volume V — "Canadian Documents," 1690-1730 (obtained from French
archives), pp. 64-122 (Fox War, etc.) ; Papers on the Winnebago War of
1827 (Lewis Cass, T. L. McKenney, and others), pp. 123-158, 178-204;
tV&, on the Black Hawk War, pp. 285-320; Notices of Chippewa chief Hole-
in-the-Day, pp. 376-416.
Volume vi — Forsyth's journal of a voyage up the Mississippi, 1819, pp.
188-219 (followed by a letter from him to Gen. William Clark) ; Moses
Meeker's "Early History of the Lead Region," pp. 271-296.
Volume vii — J. D. Butler's "Prehistoric Wisconsin," pp. 80-101 ; Joseph
Tasse's "Memoir of Charles de Langlade," pp. 123-187; J. T. de la Ronde's
"Narrative," (1828-1842), pp. 346-365; Henry Merrell's "Narrative,"
(1835-1840), pp. 382-399-
Volume viii — Papers on implements and early mining of copper, pp. 140-
173; "The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley," pp. 174-187; Documents
relating to the French in the Northwest, 1737-1800, pp. 209-240; M. M.
Strong's "Indian Wars in Wisconsin," pp. 241-286.
Volume x — E. Crespel's account of De Lignery's expedition, 1728, pp.
47-53 ; French forts in Wisconsin (by E. D. Neill, L. C. Draper, and others),
pp. 54-63, 292-372; Lawe and Grignon papers, 1794-1821, pp. 90-140;
Papers of Thomas G. Anderson (British Indian agent), 1814-1821, pp. 142-
149; Papers on the Black Hawk War, pp. 150-229.
Volume xi — "Western State Papers," (documents relating to French,
English, and American domination), 1671-1787, pp. 26-63; Radisson's "Voy-
ages" in Wisconsin, pp. 64-96; Papers from Canadian archives, 1778-1783,
pp. 97-212 ; Documents (by Dickson, Forsyth, and others) relating to Wis-
consin in War of 1812, pp. 247-355.
two] BIBLIOGRAPHY 351
Volume xn - Documents from Canadian archives, 1767-1814, pp. 23-132;
Two papers on Indian trade, pp. 133-169; R. G. Thwaites's "Story of the
Black Hawk War," pp. 217-265 ; Papers of Indian Agent Boyd, 1832, pp.
266-298 ; Moses Paquette's account of Wisconsin Winnebagoes, pp. 399-433.
Volume XIII — Documents relating to British occupation of Prairie du
Chien in War of 1812, pp. 1-162; Early mining and use of lead (O. G.
Libby and R. G. Thwaites), pp. 271-374; History of Chequamegon Bay
(R. G. Thwaites and Rev. C. Verwyst), pp. 397-440.
Volume xiv - Elizabeth T. Baird's "Early Days on Mackinac Island,"
pp. 17-64; A. J. Turner's "History of Fort Winnebago," etc., pp. 65-117;
Catholic missions to Indians, in nineteenth century, pp. 155-205.
Volume xv— "Some Wisconsin Indian Conveyances, 1793-1836," pp. 1-24;
Mission to the Stockbridge Indians, 1825-1848, pp. 25-204.
Volumes xvi-xvn — Documents from the French archives, relating to the
French regime in Wisconsin (1634-1748) ; many of these were hitherto
unpublished, and they correct many errors and fill many gaps in north-
western history of that period.
Volume xvm — Documents from the French, Canadian, and Spanish
archives, relating to the domination of France (1743-1760) and England
(1760-1800) in Wisconsin. Register of marriages in the parish of Michili-
mackinac, 1725-1821.
Volume xix — Register of Mackinac baptisms, etc., 1695-1821, pp. 1-162;
Journal of the fur-trader Malhiot, 1804-1805, pp. 163-233; The fur trade
on the upper lakes, and in Wisconsin, 1778-1815, pp. 234-488 (from original
sources in the Federal archives at Washington, the libraries of C. M. Burton
and the Wis. Historical Society, etc.).
WISCONSIN STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Proceedings, at the annual
meetings (Madison, 18 1910+).
Notable papers in recent years: "Indian agriculture in Southern Wis-
consin," B. H. Hibbard (1904) ; "Historic sites on Green Bay," A. C.
Neville, and "Printed narratives of Wisconsin travelers prior to 1800,"
Henry E. Legler (1905) ; "The habitat of the Winnebago, 1632-1832," P. V.
Lawson, and "The Mascoutin Village [in central Wisconsin]," John J.
Wood and Rev. Arthur E. Jones, S.J. (1906) ; "The Fox Indians during the
French regime," Louise P. Kellogg (1907) ; "The old West," Frederick J.
Turner (1908); "Indian Diplomacy and the opening of the Revolution in
the West," James Alton James, and "Bibliography of Carver's Travels"
John T. Lee (1909) ; "The relation of archaeology and history," Carl R.
Fish, and "A Menominee Indian payment in 1838," Gustave de Neveu
(1910).
WOOD, NORMAN B. Lives of famous Indian chiefs (Aurora, 111.
[1906]). Illustrated.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES of nearly a score of renowned Indian chiefs, from
Powhatan to Geronimo; also numerous anecdotes, stories, etc., designed to
show the traits of the Indian character. The illustrations are unusually
good — chiefly portraits, most of them from pictures in Field and National
Museums.
352 BIBLIOGRAPHY
YARROW, H. C. Introduction to the study of mortuary customs
among the North American Indians (Washington, 1880).
A Bulletin of Smithsonian Institution.
A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs
of the North American Indians (Washington, 1881).
In First Report of Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 87-203.
YOUNG, EGERTON R., compiler. Algonquin Indian tales (New
York, [1903]). Illustrated.
Collected among the Ojibwa and other northern peoples, during some
thirty years. A chief figure in them is the miraculous being Nanabozho.
ZITKALA-SA. Old Indian legends retold (Boston, 1901).
A delightful collection of Dakota stories told by an educated young
woman of that people, and illustrated by Miss Angel de Cora, an artist be-
longing to the Winneb.ago tribe.
ADDENDA
ADDENDA
Doctor Paul Radin, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, has
kindly revised the proofs for the second half of volume n and prepared
the following additional matter. This courtesy was extended by
Doctor Radin to the editor on account of the latter's serious illness
and to avoid delay in publication.
The index was prepared by Gertrude M. Robertson.
Location of tribes
Amikwa: on the north shore of Lake Huron opposite Manitoulin,
Indiana till 1672; scattered to French settlements afterwards,
some of them going to Green Bay.
Chippewa: formerly along both shores of Lake Huron and Lake
Superior across Minnesota to Turtle Mountains. In 1640, they
were at the Sault. Since 1815 they have been settled in Michigan,
Wisconsin, Minnesota, and North Dakota. Villages - Cheboy-
gan and Thunder Bay in lower Michigan, Pawating and Onton-
agon in Wisconsin.
Conestoga: an Iroquoian tribe on the Susquehanna River.
Delaware: the entire basin of the Delaware River, in eastern Penn-
sylvania and southeastern New York with most of Delaware and
New Jersey.
Fox: Lake Winnebago and Fox River, with numerous villages along
the same.
Huron : Lake Simcoe, south and east of Georgian Bay and afterwards
along the St. Lawrence River. Villages - Andiata and Sandusky.
Illinois: formerly in southern Wisconsin and northern Illinois and
sections of Iowa and Missouri, along western banks of the Mis-
sissippi as far as the Des Moines River.
Menominee: first at the Bay de Noque and Menominee River. In
1671 to 1852 on or near the Menominee and Fox Rivers. Vil-
lages — St. Francis and St. Michael.
Miami: in 1658 at St. Michael about the mouth of Green Bay. til-
lages - Little Turtle and Piankaskaw.
356 ADDENDA [Vol.
Mascoutin: beyond and south of Lake Huron and subsequently on
the Fox River.
Mohawk: in the upper part of New York State.
Montagnais: on the St. Maurice River and eastward almost to the
Atlantic Ocean.
Neutrals: north of Lake Erie.
Nippising: on Lake Nippising and Lake Nipigon.
Oneida: south of Lake Oneida.
Onondaga: in Onondaga County, New York.
Ottawa: on French River, Georgian Bay. Villages - Walpole Is-
land and Michilimacinac.
Peoria: on some river west of Mississippi and above the mouth of the
Wisconsin River, probably upper Iowa River.
Potawatomi: on the western shore of Lake Huron and south along
the western shore of Lake Michigan. Villages - Milwaukee and
Little Rock.
Sauk: the eastern peninsula of Michigan and south of it. Village -
De pere Rapids, Wisconsin.
Shawnee: South Carolina, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Ohio.
Seneca: western New York between Lake Seneca and Genesee River.
Santee Sioux: near Lake Buadelower, Minnesota.
Teton Sioux: above the Falls of St. Anthony, Minnesota.
Winnebago: Green Bay and along the shores of the Fox River and
Lake Winnebago. Villages — Red Banks and Doty Island.
Yankton Sioux: north of Mille Lac, Minnesota.
Addition to annotations
Volume II, page 192, line 13, "parties:" Schoolcraft in Thirty
years with the Indian tribes, 215-216, gives an eloquent description
of a party of Fox warriors. He says: "But no tribe attracted so
intense a degree of interest as the lowas and the Sacs and Foxes,
tribes of radically diverse languages, yet united in a league against
the Sioux. These tribes were encamped on the island or opposite
coast. They came to the treaty ground armed and dressed as a war
party. They were all armed with spears, clubs, guns, and knives.
Many of the warriors had a long tuft of red horse hair tied to their
elbows and bore a necklace of grizzly bears claws. Their head-dress
consisted of red dyed horse-hair, tied in such a manner to the scalp-
locks to present the shape of the decoration of a Roman helmet. The
rest of the head was completely shaved and painted. A long iron-
shod lance was carried in the hand. A species of baldric supported
two] ADDENDA 357
part of their arms. The azian, moccasin, and leggings constituted
part of their arms. They were indeed nearly nude and painted.
Often, the print of a hand in white clay, marked the back or should-
ers. They bore flags of feathers. They beat drums. They ut-
tered yells at definite points. They landed in compact ranks. They
looked the very spirit of defiance. Their leader stood as a prince,
majestic and frowning. The wild native pride of man, in the savage
state, flushed by success in war and confident in the strength of his
arm was never so fully depicted to my eyes. And the forest tribes
of the continent may be challenged to have ever presented a spectacle
of bold daring and martial prowess equal to their landing."
Additions to bibliography
Volume n, page 302, following line 15:
An interesting discovery regarding Perrot's memoir has been made
by Mr. Wilberforce Eames of Lenox Library, New York City. This
is, that the book had two issues in the same year, pages 221 and 222
being cancelled and cut out and replaced by another leaf which was
pasted on the stub of the former. The changes in the two pages
mentioned, were made in the second issue of the year. The differ-
ences between the two issues are for the most part in minor details.
In some cases, the second issue omits details mentioned in the first
issue, and vice versa. All these details relate to the distribution of
the Illinois tribes.
Mr. Eames has courteously placed these facts and a transcript of
the cancelled pages at the disposal of the editor.
Also the following additions to the alphabetical arrangement of
the bibliography, volume n, pages 330-339:
LETTRES EDIFIANTES et curieuses ecrites des missions etrangeres; col-
lected by C. le Gobien, J. B. du Halde, N. Marechal and L. Pa-
touillet and first published in Paris, 1776. Rearranged and edited
by Y.M.M.T. de Querbeuf (Paris, 1780-1788), 14 vols.
Only vols. iv and v relate to America.
LEWIS, J. O. The Aboriginal Portfolio (Philadelphia, 1835).
RADIN, PAUL. Winnebago tales; printed in Journal of American
Folklore -, 1909.
Clan organization of the Winnebago; printed in American An-
thropologist, 1910.
The ritual and significance of the Winnebago medicine dance;
printed in Journal of American Folklore, 1911.
INDEX
ABEL, ANNIE HELOISE: work cited, II,
303
Abnaki [Abenaki, Abenaquis], (tribe) :
I, 134, 185, footnote, 224, footnote,
364, footnote, II, 54, 82, 259; ac-
count, 54-55, footnote
Acadia [Accadia, Cadie] : I, 47, foot-
note, 197, 256, footnote, 348
Adams, Charles F: work cited, II, 303
Adams, Henry: work cited, II, 303
Adams, John Quincy: Memoirs, II,
303
Adario [Kondiaronk, Sastaretsi], (Ti-
onontate chief) : leads expedition
against Iroquois, I, 253, footnote',
cause of French massacre, 253, foot-
note', converted, 253, footnote
Adoption: see Manners and customs',
Captives
Adornment (personal) : see Manners
and customs
Africa: I, 27, footnote
Agariata (an Iroquois) : I, 307
Agniers: see Mohawk
Agriculture: see Economic conditions'.
industries, etc.
Alaska: I, 38, footnote, 81, footnote,
122, footnote', Kodiak, 171, footnote
Algeria: government, I, 26 and foot-
note
Algonkins [Algonquins] : I, 15, 26, 36,
footnote, 65, footnote, 88, footnote,
147, footnote, 281, footnote, 288,
footnote, 371, footnote, II, 252; lo-
cation, I, 43, 148, 149, 177; driven
to Mackinaw, 4*3, footnote; name
applied to tribe, 43, footnote; char-
acteristics, 197; courtship and mar-
riage, 67-74 » hunters, 43 ; hunting
expedition, 43-45; regard corn as
treat, 102; esteem flesh of dogs, 53,
footnote; government, 145, footnote;
refuse to render justice, 46; wor-
ship Great Panther, 59 ; belief re-
garding souls, II, 208, footnote;
compared to Dakotas, I, 161, foot-
note; allies of French, 203; offer
services to Courcelles, 199. Rela-
tions with Iroquois — neighbors, I,
43 ; invite to winter with them, 43 ;
hostile to, 306; attack, 151, 190-192;
war against, 190-203; defeated by,
192-193 ; unwilling to free, 201
Alimibegon: I, 173
Allegheny [Alleghany] Mts: I, 122,
footnote, 336, footnote
Allegheny River: I, 240, footnote, 336,
footnote
Alliances: I, 309, 311, 317, II, 184, 189,
201; renewed, 33; periodical re-
newals, 190; significance of belts,
185; aids allies, I, 356-357. Inter-
race — of English and various tribes,
II, 188; Indians and French, 135,
footnote, 254; desirable with French,
I, 347, II, 42; benefits from, with
French, I, 356-357; renewed be-
tween French and Foxes, II, 62-64;
Foxes oppose French, I, 185, foot-
note; between French, Miami, and
Mascoutens, 332; between French
and Potawatomi, 316; of all na-
tions to avenge massacre of Illinois,
299-300. Intertribal — desired, II,
44, 92, 118; Miami wish to renew,
99 ; Algonkins form, I, 197 ; Assin-
36o
INDEX
[Vol.
iboin, 108, footnote] Chippewa, II,
189, footnote, 190; Cree, I, 108,
footnote', against Dakota, II, 64-65;
with Dakota, I, 277; Foxes, II, 118;
Foxes, Sauk, and other tribes, 145-
184, 204-205, 232-233, 356; Hurons,
92-106; Iowa, 145, 356; Iroquois, I,
279-280, footnote, 342-343, II, 44,
106; Kickapoo, 118, 145; Miami,
99, 118; Missisaugi, I, 279-280,
footnote', against Osage, II, 204-
205; Ottawa, 44, 92, 106, 189, foot-
note, 190; Potawatomi, 189, foot-
note, 190; Wyandotts, 189, footnote.
See Intertribal relations; Interracial
relations
Allouez [Alloiiet, Aloiiet], Claude
Jean (Jesuit missionary) : I, 16, 48,
footnote, 60, footnote, 129, footnote,
132, footnote, 149, footnote, 156,
footnote, 165, 182, footnote, 270,
footnote, 301, footnote, 329, footnote,
II, 252 ; Perrot confers with, I, 343 ;
witnesses transfer of land to France,
224; mistreated by Miami, II, 16;
brief account, I, 224, footnote', work
on, cited, II, 337, 348
Allumettes Island [Le Borgne Island,
Isle du Borgne]: I, 176, footnote,
177
American Anthropologist: II, 305, 338,
3*44, 345, 357
American Antiquarian: II, 341
American Antiquarian and Oriental
Journal: II, 304
American Antiquarian Society: II,
321; Proceedings, 312; Transac-
tions, 304
American Archeologist: II, 304
American Association for the advance-
ment of science: Proceedings, II,
324
American Baptist Home Missionary
Society: II, 304
American Bison Society: I, 123, foot-
note
American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions: II, 304
American Catholic Historical Re-
searches: I, 323, footnote
American Catholic Quarterly: II, 326
American Ethnological Society of
New York: II, 328
American Folk-lore Society: Journal,
II, 304, 357
American Historical Association:
Annual report, II, 303 ; Papers, 305
American Law Review. II, 326
American Missionary Association: II,
305
American Nation: II, 345, 347
American Naturalist: II, 36, footnote,
344
American Review of Reviews: II, 338
American State Papers: Indian af-
fairs, II, 305
Americans: I, 288, footnote, 301, foot-
note] Shawnee prophet warns
against, II, 274; Indians to avoid,
277 ; destroy Tippecanoe, 279, foot-
note
Amikwa [Amicouas, Amicoues, Ami-
kouas, Amikouets, Amiquois], (Al-
gonquian tribe) : I, 42, footnote,
173, 179; location, II, 355; de-
scribed, I, 63, footnote] sun-wor-
shiper, 60, footnote] creation belief,
62-63 > help gain victory over Iro-
quois, 154, footnote] Perrot winters
with, 221; attend council, 224; Mo-
hawks reveal conspiracy, 254
Amsterdam (Netherlands) : II, 301
Amusements: love of, I, 93; Miami
entertain Perrot, 345-346. Games —
II, 230-232; following funeral,
I, 82; planned for guests, 296; ball
games, intertribal, II, 269 ; bowl,
272; cards, 230; crosse, I, 93-96;
345 ; dice, 101-102 ; moccasin, II,
230; platter, 230; straws, I, 96-101.
Races — I, 82, II, 230. Sham bat-
tles -II, 194, 231-232. Story-tell-
ing — II, 222. See Dances
Andastes: see Conestoga
Anderson, Thomas G: papers, II, 350
Andiata (Huron village) : II, 355
two]
INDEX
36i
Andre, Louis (Jesuit missionary) : I,
150, footnote, 290, footnote ; quoted,
102-103 ; witnesses transfer of land
to France, 225, footnote
Animals: game, see Game animals ;
domestic, I, 282, footnote ; see Dog,
Horse
Annals de la propagation de la foi,
etc: cited, I, 155, footnote, 162,
footnote, 226, footnote, II, 305;
quoted, I, 209, footnote
Aouenano (Iroquois) : II, 136
Apache (group of Athapascan fam-
ily) : II, 226, footnote, 282
Apichagan [Miami chief] : II, 13
Arapaho (tribe of Algonquian fam-
ily): I, 277, footnote, 327, II, 282
Arctic Ocean: I, 171, footnote
Arikara (tribe of Caddoan linguistic
family) : I, 171, footnote, 277, foot-
note
Arizona: I, 81, footnote, 323, foot-
note, 363, footnote
Arkansas: II, 146, footnote
Arkansas [Akancas, Arkansa, Arkan-
saw] River: I, 224, footnote, 277,
footnote, 328, footnote, 348 and
footnote, II, 184, 234
Armstrong, Benj. G: work cited, II,
306
Armstrong, Perry A: II, 306
Arrows: origin, I, 38; in medicine
pouch, 50, footnote', used as sacri-
fice, 61, footnote-, given to boy, 78;
see Weapons; Implements, etc.
Askin, John: II, 310
Assiniboia (Prov.) : I, 107, footnote
Assiniboin [Assiniboiialas, Assini-
boiiles, Assinipoualaks, Chiripin-
ons], (Siouan tribe) : I, 278, foot-
note, 371, footnote', account, 364;
economic conditions, 103, 162, foot-
note', ally with Cree, 108, footnote',
Sioux wage war against, 170
Assiniboin River: I, 364 and footnote
Asuans: II, 202, footnote
Ataentsic: first ancestor, I, 40, foot-
note-, mother earth, II, 271
Atchatchakangouen [Tchiduakouing-
oues], (tribe) : II, 67
Athapascan family: method of mak-
ing fire, I, 38, footnote; mourning
custom, 82, footnote; great travel-
ers, II, 199, footnote
Atlantic Ocean: I, 25, 103, footnote^
308, footnote, II, 183, 199, footnote,
35*
Attikamegue [Poissons Blancs], (Mon-
taignais band) : Algonkins ask aid
from, I, 197
Aumanimek (chief of Amikwa) : I,
254
Auraumut, Hendrick: work cited, II,
306
Austria: II, 293, footnote; Vienna,
3H
Awen<ha'i (mother earth) : II, 271, 272
Ayer, Edward E: collection, II, 306
BAIRD, ELIZABETH: work cited, II, 351
Bald Eagle: name of Sauk clan, II,
190
Bald [Pelee] Island: I, 163 and foot-
note
Bancroft, George: History of the U.S.,
I, 156, footnote, 267, footnote
Baraga, Frederic (bishop) : II, 293
and footnote; work on, cited, 347
Barber, Edwin A: work cited, II, 306
Bark: uses, I, 80, footnote
Barre, M. de la: I, 148 and footnote,
240; sent to replace Frontenac, 231;
consents to war with Iroquois, 231-
232; gives Perrot trade-permit, 233;
letters from, 242 ; recalled, 243
Barrows, William: work cited, II, 306
Bay de Noque: I, 291, footnote, II, 355
Bay of the Puants: see Green Bay
Beach, W. W: work cited, II, 307, 335
Beads \rassade~\\ Perrot gives, I, 331;
manufacture, 331, footnote, II, 185,
footnote; uses, I, 331, footnote,
brought from Europe, II, 185, foot-
note; see Wampum
Bear: I, 102, 113 and footnote, 114,
283, 304, 317, II, 168, 171, footnote,
362
INDEX
[Vol.
220, 234; tribal name, I, 319, 320,
II, 163; name of Fox clan, 192; of
Sauk clan, 191 and footnote; origin
of man, I, 37; honors paid, 132,
footnote; represented by totems, II,
259; used as sacrifice, I, 61, foot-
note; Indians pray to, 49; January,
February, July named for, II, 116;
mode of hunting, I, 126-131; meat
served at feast, 53; rutting season,
127 ; produces stripes on chipmunk's
back, II, 265; comparison, 40
Bear-Potato: name of Sauk clan, II,
191 and footnote
Beauchamp, W. M: work cited, II,
307
Beaver: I, 102, no, 113, 114, 168, 182,
203, 278, 280, 283, 304, 310, 317,
322, 365, 369-370, 372> II, 92, 234;
abundant, I, 173, II, 33; scarce, I,
337; method of hunting or trap-
ping, I, 104-106; in creation myth,
32-35; insignia of family, 347; robes
as gift, 346
Beckwith, Hiram W: work cited, II,
307
Beckwith, Paul E: quoted, II, 180-181,
footnote
Begon, Claude Michel: I, 28, footnote,
29; Perrot composes Memoirs for,
262, footnote
Belgium: Bruxelles, I, 30, footnote
Beliefs and superstitions: in general-
ly 31-66; bad omen for war, 237-
238 ; affected by omens, 237-238, II,
226, footnote; regarding buffalo,
I, 123, footnote; regarding calumet,
185, 186; regarding education, II,
155; concerning epidemic, I, 354;
regarding hunting, 129; invocation
of spirits, 54-55 ; regarding puberty
of boys, II, 172, footnote; of girls,
172, footnote; tattooing, I, 325; foot-
note; worship of Great Panther, 59;
belief in Nanabozho, 283, 283-287,
footnote. Creation — II, 220; of
man, I, 37-40, 62-63, II, 174; of
woman, I, 39-40, II, 174; of world,
I, 31-36. Death and immortality —
death, II, 170, footnote, 173, 174-
*75, 293; ghosts, 223; immortality,
I, 89-92, 295 ; soul, II, 208-209, 2°8»
footnote, 266; afterworld, 208, foot-
note; country of dead visited by
mortals, I, 92. Dreams — I, 47, foot-
note, 49, 51, footnote, 299, 328, foot-
note, 332, 356, II, 194-195, 210, 226,
footnote, 237, footnote, 260, 274; in
general, I, 51, footnote; importance
and significance, 51-52 and footnote;
to obtain favorable, 69, footnote;
to induce, at puberty, 52, footnote;
of supernatural origin, 51, footnote;
before war, II, 158, 161. Elements —
eclipse of moon, II, 121, 221 ; flood,
I, 40, footnote; storm, 361; weather
signs, 60 and footnote, II, 221 ; win-
ter journeys, I, 61. Witchcraft —
II, 268, 273, footnote; in wizards
and witches, 225 ; in magic power,
264-269 ; external magic influences,
II, 266. See Religion
Bell, Andrew: II, 322
Bellacoola (Salish tribe) : II, 270
Bellinzani, M: Perrot receives permit
through, I, 228, footnote, 229
Beschefer, — (Jesuit father) : I, 154,
footnote; quoted, 48, footnote
Bescherelle, — : I, 308, footnote
Biard's Relation: I, 66, footnote, 83,
footnote, 89, footnote; quoted, 54,
footnote
Biggs, W: work cited, II, 307
Big Rock Creek (111.) : II, 344
Biloxi (Siouan tribe) : I, 277, footnote,
278, footnote
Birds: I, 113, II, 220; depicted on
skins, I, 53, footnote; as sacrifice,
61, footnote; as game, 78, 89; crane,
II, n6; eagle, I, 61, footnote; geese,
II, 116; magpie, I, 51; paroquet
[perroquets], 51 and footnote; swan,
5i
Bison: II, 171, footnote; History, 304
two]
INDEX
363
Black Bass: name of Sauk clan, II, 191,
footnote', name of Fox clan, 192
Blackbird, Andrew J: work cited, II,
307
Black Carp (family) : I, 319
Blackfeet [Siksika], (Siouan tribe):
I, 277, footnote, II, 258-259 ; blanket,
standard of value, 149, footnote',
hostile relations, I, 108, footnote
Black Hawk [Muc-it-tay Mish-she-
ka-kake, Ma'katawimesheka'kaa],
(subordinate chief of Sauk and Fox
Indians) : I, 301, footnote, II, 142,
footnote, 193, footnote, 211, 303,
304, 307; account, 211, footnote', de-
livered up to U.S., I, 292, footnote;
work on cited, II, 307
Black Hawk War: II, 142, footnote,
191, footnote, 211, footnote, 245, 303,
3i8, 334, 344, 350, 35i; causes, I,
292, footnote, II, 18 1, footnote, 211,
footnote, 294, footnote
Black River: I, 165 and footnote, 171,
footnote, 172, 268 and footnote
Blair, E. H: II, 202, footnote, 328
Blanchard, Rufus: work cited, II, 307
Blandin, Miss — [Mrs. Graham] : II,
294
Blanket: I, 70, 78, 315, 334, II, 173,
176, 221, 285; Indians cling to, 294;
mode of manufacture, 149, footnote;
uses, 149, footnote; as sacrifice, I,
61, footnote; as wager, 97
Blondeau, Maurice: II, 153, footnote,
154, 198, footnote
Blondeau, Nicholas: II, 153, footnote
Bloomfield, Julia K: work cited, II,
307
Blue Chief (celebrated Sauk) : II, 184
Boas, Franz [Francis, Frank] : quoted,
I, 54-55, footnote, II, 208, footnote,
264-270
Bobe, Father: commends La Potherie's
Ms., II, 134
Boisguillot, — : I, 244, footnote
Bow and arrows: see Implements;
Weapons
Boyd, George: work cited, II, 308, 351
Brackenridge, H. M: Journal, II, 346
Bradbury, John: Travels, II, 346
Brebeuf, — : I, 81, footnote
Brinton, Daniel G: II, 152, footnote;
work cited, 170, footnote, 308
British: II, 50, 59, 254, and in foot-
notes on the following pages, I, 205,
226, 261, 273, 288, II, 54, 136, 240,
241 ; Indian names for, II, 240-241,
footnote; colonies, I, 25; regarded
as friends, 352, II, 277; head of
confederacy, 188; bribe with gifts,
I, 267; try to win savages, 250-251,
250, footnote; intrigues, II, 135,
footnote; secret connections, 79;
gaining ascendancy, I, 261 ; dealings
desirable, 259, footnote; desire peace,
II, 42; defeated, 81, 82; cause trou-
ble between French and Indians, I,
261, footnote; French try to prevent,
from intruding, 256, footnote; In-
dians oppose, 156, footnote; con-
quest of Canada, 257, footnote;
trade, 259, footnote, 261 and foot-
note, II, 22, 80, 81, 85, 95; trading-
post, I, 246, footnote; sell Indians,
267 and footnote; arrested, 250;
Cree friendly, 108, footnote; Hu-
rons join, II, 22; relations with Iro-
quois, I, 267, II, 35, 95-96; rela-
tions with Ottawa, I, 267, II, 90,
106 ; with Potawatomi, I, 302 ; foot-
note; with Tecumseh, II, 279 and
footnote
British Columbia: I, 122, footnote, 324,
footnote, II, 265, 270
British Folk-lore Society: I, 294, foot-
note
Brochet (chief) : II, 81
Brookes, Samuel M: II, 157, footnote
Brower, J. V: work cited, II, 308, 334
Brown, Adam (captive) : II, 189, foot-
note
Brown, Charles E: I, 21, II, 152, foot-
note
Brule [Bois-Brules] : I, 109, footnote
364
INDEX
[Vol.
Brunet, Ovide: I, 116, footnote, 117,
footnote, 1 1 8, footnote
Brunson, Rev. Alfred: work cited, II,
308, 350
Buck, Daniel: work cited, II, 308
Buffalo: I, 109, 113, 114, 154, 159, 249,
278, footnote, 322 and footnote, 366-
367, footnote, II, 64, 68, 165, 168,
185, footnote, 191, footnote, 220, 234,
261, 287; rutting season, I, 119;
mode of hunting, 120-126 ; used as
sacrifice, 61, footnote] economic uses,
123, footnote', census of American,
123, footnote
Buffalo Society: II, 224, footnote
Bureau of American Ethnology: I, 18,
II, 316; Annual reports, 308-309,
315, 317, 320, 323, 324, 332, 335, 338,
340, 342, 345, 352; Bulletins, II, 309,
31^, 3^3
Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions:
Reports, II, 309; Annals, 309
Bureau of Indian Affairs: II, 341
Burgundy [Bourgogne], Duke of: II,
45
Burial and mourning customs: treat-
ment of sick as death approaches,
I» 78-79; mode of burial, 80-81, 81,
footnote, II, 172-173, 292; crema-
tion, 170, footnote', interment cere-
mony, 206, 209 ; mourning, in gener-
al, I, 83-84; for brother, 79-80; for
chief, 84; for relative, II, 173, 285;
for son, I, 79 ; of widows, 70-72, II,
173, 208; of widower, I, 73-74; sac-
rifices for dead, 62, footnote', grave
described, II, 206; articles placed
near, 209; findings in graves, 199,
footnote ; marking, 212 ; property of
deceased, 206-207; games following
burial, I, 82; feast of dead, 83 ; cus-
toms among Sioux, II, 285; among
Potawatomi, 292; see Gifts: of con-
solation
Burton, C. M: work cited, II, 309
Burton, Frederick R: work cited, II,
310
Bushnell, D. I : work cited, II, 306
Butler, J. D: work cited, II, 350
CABEZA DE VACA, ALVAR NUNEZ: II,
169, footnote
Cache [storing of supplies] : I, 104,
and footnote
Caddoan family: I, 125, footnote
Cadillac, La Mothe (founder of De-
troit) : I, 351, footnote, II, 119, foot-
note, 310; quoted, I, 349, II, 51, foot-
note
Cahokia [Cahokians, Kaokia], (tribe
of Illinois confederacy) : I, 155, foot-
note, 295, footnote, II, 200
Calhoun, John C: II, 140, 327, 336
California: II, 170, footnote, 227, foot-
note
Calkins, Franklin W: II, 284; article,
286-287; work cited, 310
Callieres, M. — de: I, 148, footnote,
II, 136, 254; quoted, I, 269, footnote
Calumet: I, 139, 345, 350, II, 31, 76,
96; described, I, 182, footnote', uses,
185, footnote', significance, 185-186;
of peace, II, 34; war, 101 ; favorite
material for making, 96 ; depicted
on skins, I, 53, footnote', song (illus-
tration}, 183; sung to Sinagos, 182;
honors of, conferred on Perrot, I, 27,
325-330, by lowas, 368, 369; by Me-
nominee, 311, 313; by Potawatomi,
309; Perrot offers, II, 34; to Foxes,
I, 359; for Miami, II, 98, 99; Per-
rot wins purpose by means of, 72 ;
Perrot lights, 77 ; Dakota with, shot,
131; Hurons carry to Iroquois, 106;
Miami offers to French, 126; to Da-
kota, 114; Ottawa present to Chip-
pewa, 91 ; presented to Ottawa, 78 ;
Sauk offers to Dakota, 114; presents
Perrot's to Dakota, 114; worshiped
by Sioux, I, 161, footnote
Campbell, Henry C: I, 172, footnote',
work cited, II, 310, 337
Canada: I, 28, 29, 207, 228, 306, 308,
II, 42, 45, 50, 69, 80, 136, 188, 215,
240, 301, and in footnotes on the
following pages, I, 31, 39, 74, 76, 83,
two]
INDEX
365
93, 107, no, 114, 171, 174, 198, 205,
217, 222, 224, 243, 253, 257, 262, 269,
273, 275, 277, 28l, 282, 303, 308, 316,
324, 331, 35i» 364, II, 28, 42, 55, in,
135, 189, 199, 252, 273, 330; early
settlements, I, 148 ; French coloniza-
tion, 25; buffalo in, 123, footnote ;
early conditions, 228, footnote; fur
trade, 27 and footnote ; slavery, 190,
footnote ; see Montreal; Quebec, etc.
Canadians: I, 117, footnote, 203; vio-
late trade laws, 230
Canfield, W. W: work cited, II, 310
Cannibalism: I, 189, 225, 349, II, 48,
footnote, 101, 202 and footnote ; prac-
ticed occasionally, I, 169, footnote ;
by various tribes, 371, footnote ;
cause, 371, footnote ; compelled by
hunger, 103 ; to inspire courage, 143,
footnote, II, 226 ; among Foxes, 225 ;
among Ottawa, I, 188; among
Pauns, 293 ; among Sauk, II, 225 ;
Seneca slow to suppress, I, 240, foot-
note; Sioux do not indulge in, 169;
among Winnebago, 296
Canoes: described, I, 171, footnote, 228,
footnote; Iroquois steal, 175
Cape Diggs [Digue] : I, 307, 308, foot-
note
Cape Massacre: I, 175
Capital punishment: see Punishment
Cap Rouge: I, 192
Captives: in general — taken, I, 200;
desert liberator, 187; satisfaction de-
manded for retention, 354; religious
duty to eat, 371, footnote; Jesuits
aid, II, 36-37; Foxes, I, 227; take,
II, 28 ; deliver to French, 29 ; French
make example of Iroquois chief, 93-
94; Huron, I, 168, 187, 193; spare
Iroquois, II, 92; mutual agreement
between Huron and Iroquois, 92-93 ;
Iroquois take many, 43 ; Louvigni
takes Iroquois, 45 ; Adario takes Iro-
quois, I, 253, footnote; Iroquois, II,
134; Ottawa secure, 36; Sauk, no;
Skidi, 85. Adoption — II, 48, foot-
note, 49, footnote, 162, 196, 197; of
bands, 49, footnote; Iroquois gain
strength by, I, 227 ; to replenish gen-
tes, II, 37-38, footnote; of Adam
Brown, II, 189, footnote. Freed —
I, 187-188, 193, 201, 253, footnote,
II, 54, 78, 253; redeemed, 90, 104;
redemption encouraged by Jesuits,
38, footnote; ransomed, 49, footnote ,
109; granted life, 40; French try
to release, 104; Perrot returns, 113;
restored to Chippewa, 30; Hurons
spare Iroquois slave, 47-49 ; Iroquois
spare, 14; Shawnee, I, 336; Sioux
liberate, 163. Treatment — I, 300,
II, 37, 47-48, footnote, 196-197; kind,
I, 182; among Huma, 169, footnote;
among Illinois, 169, footnote; of Mi-
ami woman, II, 58 ; among Natchez,
I, 169, footnote; among Ottawa, II,
39; of Sauk by Hurons, in; among
Sioux, I, 170. Torture — I, 142-143,
footnote, II, 37, footnote, 38, foot-
note, 48, footnote; of Father Lalle-
mand, I, 177; of Hurons, 158; of
Iroquois chief, II, 93-94; among
Sioux, I, 169; Tecumseh persuades
tribe to discontinue, II, 279, foot-
note. Condemned — I, 170, 193, 198,
253, footnote, 343; II, 39, 40, 162;
Iroquois, 49; Shawnee, I, 336; Sin-
agos, 190. Individuals — Adam
Brown, II, 189, footnote; Abbie
Gardner, 342 ; Charles le Moyne,
I, 197-198; M. de Noirolle, 200;
John Tanner, II, 37, footnote, 344
Cap Tourmente (on St. Laurence
Riv.) : I, 25
Caribou: I, 102, 109, no, footnote;
hunting, 106-107; form yards, 44,
footnote
Carp: March named for, II, 116
Carr, Lucien: work cited, II, 310-311
Cartier, Jacques: I, 26, 89, footnote
Carver, Jonathan: II, 116, footnote;
work cited, 311; work on, cited, 337
Casey, M. P: work cited, II, 311
Cass, Lewis: II, 325, 331; work cited,
3"
366
INDEX
[Vol.
Catawba (Siouan tribe) : I, 277, foot-
note, 335, footnote
Catholics: II, in, footnote', compar-
ison to novice, I, 134; Dakotas
enemies of, 161, footnote', among
Iroquois, 240, footnote; ecclesiastics
induce war on Iroquois, 231; mon-
stance presented by Perrot to mis-
sion, II, 57, footnote ; native ordain-
ed priest, 294; missionary society,
305 ; work on missions, cited, 342 ;
St. Anne's Parish Church, 334; gov-
ernors permit trade in brandy, I,
209 ; two Christian villages estab-
lished, 157, footnote. Converts — I,
364, footnote; number, 165, footnote;
faithful, II, 293 ; do not join dances,
292; Adario converted, I, 253, foot-
note; Huron converts, 257, footnote;
Illinois converted, 156, footnote;
Montaignais converted, 131-132,
footnote; Nepissing readily convert-
ed, I, 339, footnote. See Jesuits;
Jesuit Relations; Recollects; the va-
rious missionaries by name
Catholic Presbyterian'. II, 326
Catholic World: II, 311, 326
Catlin, George: II, 96, footnote; work
cited, 311; paintings, 312
Catlinite (red stone used for making
the calumet) : II, 96, footnote, 199,
footnote
Caton, J. D: Antelope and deer of
America, I, 44, footnote, no, foot-
note, II, 312
Caughnawaga: I, 241, footnote
Cayuga [Goyogouans, Goyogouins],
(tribe of Iroquoian confederacy) : I,
47, footnote, 199, 350, footnote
Central America: I, 51, footnote, 305,
footnote, 323, footnote, II, 116, foot-
note
Chagouamigon [Mamekagan]: I, 269
and footnote
Chakekenapok (Potawatomi mythical
being) : I, 284-285, footnote, II, 272
Chamberlain, A. F: I, 275, footnote;
quoted, II, 241, footnote; work cit-
ed, 304, 305, 312
Champigny, M. — de: II, 253
Champlain, Samuel de (founder of
Quebec) : I, 26, in footnotes on the
following pages, 31, 40, 42, 51, 74,
76, 83, 88, 89, 200, 302, 364; quoted,
47, footnote
Chaoiianonk: I, 227
Chaoiianons: see Shaivnees
Characteristics, Indian: in general, I,
144 and footnote, 272, 291, II, 67,
135, footnote, 284-286, 288-297;
fickleness, 255; fortitude, 209; not
dependable, I, 260; insubordinate,
260-261; moral traits, 132-145;
physical, II, 236, 237, footnote.
Mental — II, 262-264; traits, 262;
power of recollection, 227 ; time,
220 ; surprise at writing, 221 ; arith-
metic, 220; incapable of chronologi-
cal calculations, I, 40, footnote;
knowledge slight, II, 222 ; of camps,
228. See Manners and customs;
Burial and mourning customs; also
names of principal tribes
Charlevoix, Pierre Frangois Xavier
de (Jesuit missionary and his-
torian) : I, 17, 29, and footnote, II,
249, 250, 252, 256, 302, 311, and in
footnotes on the following pages, I,
31, 36, 40, 48, 63, 66, 74, 76, 83, 89,
92, 95, 99, 101, 107, 124, 127, 153,
155, 163, 164, 168, 176, 208, 223,
233, 237, 242, 246, 257, 258, 262, 282,
II, 66; work cited, 312
Chase, Levi B: work cited, II, 312
Chasy, M. — de (nephew of M. de
Tracy) : I, 200 ; M. de Tracy
grieves at death, 202
Chauvignerie, — : II, 120, footnote
Cheboygan (Chippewa village) : 11,355
Chequamegon [Chagouamigon, Cha-
gouamikon]: I, 224, footnote, 165,
footnote, 1 66, 168, footnote, 170, 173,
181, 187, 190, footnote, 191, footnote,
307, 3»7
two]
INDEX
367
Chequamegon Bay: I, 257, footnote,
293, footnote, 302, footnote
Cherokee (detached tribe of Iroquian
family) : I, 118, footnote, 331, foot-
note, II, 152, footnote, II, 201, 211,
footnote; relations with Shawnee, I,
335, footnote
Chesapeake Bay: I, 174, footnote
Chesneau, M. — du: I, 230; opposes
M. de Frontenac, 231; recalled to
France, 231
Chestnuts: I, 116 and footnote, 117
Chevalet (instrument of torture) : I,
218, footnote
Cheveux-Releves [Ondataouaouat],
(tribe) : I, 37, footnote
Cheyenne (tribe of Algonquian fam-
ily) : I, 185, footnote, 277, footnote,
327, II, 224, footnote, 257, 282
Chicago (Illinois chief) : I, 349, foot-
note
Chicago [Chekagou, Chicagou, Chi-
gagon, Chikagon], (111.) : I, 316,
footnote, 365, 370, II, 13, 16, 58, 64,
84, 104, 121, 127, 128, 177, 200, 244,
footnote, 281, 302, 304, 306, 307, 323,
349
Chicago Historical Society: II, 340;
Collections, 312
Chicago Record Herald: quoted, I,
123, footnote, 200, footnote
Chicago [Chigagon] River: I, 349,
350
Chichikatalo (Miami): II, 136
Chickasaw [Chickashaws], (Muskho-
gean tribe) : I, 336, footnote, II, 201
Children: naming, I, 76-77, II, 167-
168, 210; puberty, II, 171, footnote,
172, footnote, 237, footnote, 267;
training, I, 78, II, 164-165, 212;
adoption, 213, 293; orphans, 213-
214; illegitimate uncommon, 216;
announce arrival of hunters, I, 131;
excused from mourning, 84; protect-
ed on march, I, 125 ; Iroquois spare,
146
Childs, Ebenezer: work cited, II, 350
Chile: II, 152, footnote
China: II, 218
Chingouabe (chief of Sauteurs) : I,
269 and footnote
Chingouessi (Ottawa) : II, 136
Chipiapoos (Potawatomi mythical be-
ing) : I, 284-287, footnote
Chipmunk: bear produces stripes, II,
265
Chippewa [Chipeways, Chippewais,
Odgiboweke, Odjibewais, Ojibwa,
Otjibwek, Pahouitingonach, Saul-
teurs, Sauteurs] : I, 109 and footnote,
157, 159, 179, 260, 269, 271, 304, 354,
355, II, 28, 30, 32, 54, 96, 113, 128,
129, 131, 154, 184, 188, 190, 201, 203,
204, 205, 219, 259, 287, and in foot-
notes on the following pages, I, 48,
104, 108, 114, 1 1 6, 185, 244, 277, 279,
281, 288, 291, 294, 301, 302, 325, 371,
II, 17, 69, 116, 156, 189, 197, 224,
226, 227, 228, 241, 278 ; deriviation of
name, I, 109, footnote', characteris-
tics, 280; burial customs, 81, foot-
note; mourning customs, 82, foot-
note; purchase of wife, II, 167; at
Chequamegon, I, 173 ; Sauk and
Foxes descend from, II, 183. Eco-
nomic conditions — location, I, 153,
footnote, II, 355; industries and oc-
cupations, I, 109, 275-276; property
rights, II, 207, footnote; receive an-
nuity, 181, footnote. Wars -man-
ner of raising war party, II, 161-
162; chief advises against alliance
with English, I, 352; abandon enter-
prise, 211 ; tomahawk sent to, 233;
reported destroyed, 357; chief's
daughter held as slave, 358; kill
French, 259 ; trouble with Foxes, II,
27; against Foxes and Mascoutens,
112; Miami plan attack, 120. Re-
lations with Iroquois — defeat Iro-
quois, I, 153, 154, footnote, 180-181,
280-281; capture Iroquois, 335;
wish to discontinue war, II, 90-91;
receive gifts, 90, 91
368
INDEX
[Vol.
Chiripinons: see Assiniboin
Chittenden, H. M: American fur
trade, II, 151, footnote
Chiwere (Siouan group) : I, 277, foot-
note, 278, footnote, 367, footnote
Choctaw [Chactaw], (tribe of Musk-
hogean stock) : I, 185, footnote, 323,
footnote, II, 1 66, footnote, 201
Chouteau, Auguste: work cited, II,
312
Christian Journal: II, 313
Christians: wrong attitude toward In-
dians, I, 19
Cincinnati Zoological Gardens: I, 305,
footnote
Civilization: progress, I, 19; to in-
crease, II, 179-180; more rapid
among Christianized, 294
Civil War: II, 310
Clans: see Gentes
Clapin, — : I, 102, footnote
Clark, George Rogers: Letters, journal,
etc., II, 313 ; work on, cited, 337
Clark, W. P: work cited, II, 313
Clark, Gen. Wm. (U.S. supt. of Indian
affairs) : I, 14, II, 137, 146 and foot-
note, 211, footnote, 240, 245, 278,
footnote, II, 303, 320, 335, 350; ig-
norant of council fire, 189, footnote',
Papers, 313
Clarke, Peter Dooyentate: II, 189,
footnote', work cited, 313
Coates, Dr. B. H: II, 306
Cockburn Island: I, 282, footnote
Coiracoentanon [Kouivakouintanouas],
(tribe) : I, 155, footnote
Colbert, M. de: I, 228, footnote, 229
Colden, Cadwallader: II, 302; History
of the five Indian nations, etc., 313
Coleson, A: work cited, II, 314
Colton, C: work cited, II, 314
Columbia County (Wis.) : I, 323, foot-
note
Columbia River: I, 174, footnote, II,
48, footnote, 273
Comanche (tribe of Shoshonean
group) : I, 277, footnote, II, 282
Commerce and trade: see ECONOMIC
CONDITIONS: trade
Company of the West Indies: I, 230,
footnote
Comstock, C. B: I, 150, footnote
Conestogo [Andastes], (Iroquian
tribe) : I, 336, footnote; location, II,
355; Iroquois wage war with, I,
226-227
Congres International des American-
istes: work cited, II, 314
Connecticut: I, 267, footnote; New
Haven, II, 140, footnote, 182
Conspiracy: against coureurs de bois,
I, 258, footnote, 259 ; against French,
351-352, II, 17-18, 54, 65; among
Foxes, Mascoutens, and Kickapoos,
I, 245-249 ; of Hurons, 257 and foot-
note; of Ottawa, II, 44-53, 54, 60,
61 ; against Ottawas, I, 252-254; be-
tween Ottawas and Hurons, 164;
against Perrot, II, 103 ; of Miami,
I> 257, footnote; Miami woman dis-
closes, 257, footnote; to attack Mi-
ami, II, 54; Jesuits prevent, I, 254
Contemporary Review: II, 343
Copway, George: II, 328; work cited,
3H-3I5
Cora, Angelde: II, 352
Corlaer [Corlar, Corlard, Corlart],
Arendt van: I, 200; use of name,
200, footnote
Cornplanter (Seneca chief): II, 310
Coronado, — : II, 152, footnote
Coteau des Prairies: II, 96, footnote
Coues, Elliott: work cited, II, 315
Councils: II, 179, 186, 187, 226, 237,
238, 257, 258; tribal, 259; of all
tribes, 136; league, 259; called by
Jesuits, 49-50; to deliberate on cap-
tives, 78; peace, 41, 44; ends war,
184; Cree attend, I, 224; of Ottawa,
Sauk, Potawatomi, II, 122; regard-
ing Iroquois captive, II, 49 ; at Sault
Ste. Marie, I, 222-225
Council fires: II, 145 ; origin, 188 ; loca-
tion secret, 233; members, 188 ; ne-
two]
INDEX
369
cessity of attending, 190; belt, 188;
Seneca, I, 240, footnote; of Dakota,
II, 258 ; at Brownstown, 233
Coureurs de bois: I, 13, 15, 25, 259,
footnote; meaning of name, 25, foot-
note; account, 228-229, footnote;
Perrot, 26; conspiracy against, 258,
footnote, 259; profits, 228, footnote;
greed, 264, footnote; to maintain
peace, 244, footnote; trouble with
La Salle's men, 243, footnote; illegal
traffic, 27, footnote; trade in brandy,
208, footnote; see Perrot, Nicolas;
Economic Conditions: trade
Courcelles, M. — de (gov.-gen.) : I,
147 and footnote, 198, 210, 307, II,
252; marches against enemies, I,
199; plans fort, 226-227; negotiates
peace between Iroquois and Ottawa,
219
Coursel, M — : I, 341
Courtemanche, M. — de: I, 256, foot-
note, 269, footnote, II, 254; Journal,
I, 259, footnote
Courtship: I, 65, footnote, II, 214;
among Algonkins, I, 67-68; among
Sauk and Foxes, II, 165
Cows: II, 179
Cradle: I, 77
Crane: I, 114; origin of man, 37;
April named for, II, 116
Cree [Kilistinons, Kiristinons, Kristi-
naux], (Algonquian tribe) : I, 47,
footnote, 107-108, footnote, 233, foot-
note, 281, footnote, 364, footnote,
371, footnote, II, 33, 241, footnote,
257; sun-worshipers, I, 60, footnote;
mission to, 224, footnote ; method of
hunting moose, 107-108 ; attend
council, 224; abandon enterprise,
211 ; believe Nipissing, 340-341;
friendly relations with Assiniboin,
108, footnote; Sioux war against,
170
Creeks (tribe of Muskhogean family) :
I, 65, footnote; II, 291
Cremation: I, 81, footnote
Crespel, E: work cited, II, 350
Creuse River: I, 176, footnote, 177, 203
Crimes: avoided, II, 280; confession,
292; investigation, I, 205-206; il-
legal traffic, 27, footnote. Adul-
tery—II, 214; permitted, I, 144;
concubinage, II, 197; punished, I,
65, footnote, II, 167; caused by in-
temperance, I, 208, footnote; by
coureurs de bois, 229, footnote.
Stealing -I, 138-139, 204-208, II, 33,
187; unknown, II, 286; plot, 65;
causes trouble in Montreal, I, 214;
from French, II, 119-120. Murder —
I, 137, 139, 144, 145, footnote, 146,
*57> 270, 271, 354, II, 209; atone-
ment, 186-187; uncommon, 286;
caused by intemperance, I, 209,
footnote; for plunder, 204-206, 207-
210; of Algonkins by Iroquois, 46;
of French, 307, II, 26, 58; of Iro-
quois by Algonkins, I, 45 ; by French,
204-206, 207-210; of Pontiac, 296,
footnote; Seneca slow to abolish, I,
240, footnote; of Sioux by Hurons,
163. See Punishment; Vices
Croghan, George : Letters, etc., II, 346
Crow (Siouan tribe) : I, 278, footnote
Culin, Stewart: II, 309, 315
Culture Hero: II, 208, footnote
Cumberland River: I, 336, footnote
Cumberland Valley: I, 336, footnote
Curlew: I, 114 and footnote
Curtis, Edward S: work cited, II, 315
Curtis, Natalie: work cited, II, 315
Curtis, Wm. E: I, 123, footnote
Gushing, Frank H: I, 325, footnote
Cusick, David (Tuscarora Indian):
II, 307
Cutler, Jervis: work cited, II, 315
DABEAU, — - (Frenchman): kills and
captures Iroquois, II, 92
Dablon, Claude (Jesuit missionary) :
I, 16, 223, footnote, 304, footnote,
367, footnote, II, 252; signs paper,
I, 224 ; brief account, 224, footnote
370
INDEX
[Vol.
Dakota [Nadouaichs, Nadouaissioux,
Nadouechiouek, Nadoiiessis, Nadou-
essioux, Poualaks, Scioux, Sioux],
(largest division of Siouan family) :
I, 1 8, 27, 159-160, 269, 292-293, 327,
344, 356, 358, 365, 37°, 372, II, 27,
54, 55, 61, 64, 73, 74, 109, 113, 126,
184, 201, 205, 247, 284, and in foot-
notes on following pages, I, 66, 104,
124, 144, 155, 244, 269, 278, 292, 296,
302, 306, 364, 371, II, 17, 76, 77, 96,
116, 191, 193, 216, 226, 228, 229;
location, I, 160, footnote, 277, foot-
note, 278, footnote', personal ap-
pearance, II, 32; characteristics, I,
160-161, footnote, 169, II, 31 and
footnote, 32, 284-287; early religious
belief, 284; lodges, I, 161, footnote;
canoes, 171, footnote; dressing skins,
II, 166, footnote; burial customs, I,
81, footnote; alliance, 277; alliance
against, II, 356; Ferrot sets out to,
I, 243, footnote; entertain Perrot, II,
31; return calumet, 73; refuse to
make peace, 71-72 ; council fire, 258 ;
have priest's breviary and cossack,
I, 173; chief liberates captives, 187;
hostile relations, 108, footnote. Re-
lations with — Chippewa, I, 109 and
footnote; Foxes, II, 34-35, 56, 63-64,
68-69, IOI» II3t> I12» XI4, I2<5; HU'
rons, I, 163, 167-168, 187, II, 32-33 ;
Mascoutens, 97, 112; Miami, 100,
117, 131; Ottawa, I, 164-165, 188,
189; Sauk, II, in
Dances: II, 87, 158-161, footnote, 282,
footnote; enumerated, 161, footnote;
at feast, I, 338 ; planned for guests,
296, II, 292 ; in country of dead, I,
91; give possessions away at, II,
285 ; to celebrate winning of wager,
i, 102 ; at adoption, 84. Enumer-
ated—buffalo, II, 230; calumet, I,
182, footnote, 311; ghost, 278, foot-
note, II, 270, 273, 335; at feast of
dead, I, 86-87; green bean, II, 291;
green corn, 291; medicine, 230-231,
277 ; otter, 230 ; pipe and tomahawk
(illustration), I, 235; powou, II,
291 ; religious, 278, 291 ; scalp, 26,
footnote, 158-161; sun, 269; of
thanksgiving, 291; war, I, 233, II,
125
Davenport, George: II, 153
Davidson, Alexander: work cited, II,
316
Davidson, J. N: work cited, II, 316
Davis, Andrew M: work cited, II, 316
Davis, E. H: see Squter, E. G., II, 344
Dearborn, Henry: II, 312
Deer (name of Sauk clan) : II, 191,
211
Deer: I, 109 and footnote, 123, 127,
278, 283, 304, 317, II, 29, 165, 168,
213, 220, 234; December named for,
116; used as sacrifice, I, 61, foot-
note; insignia, 347, II, 120, footnote
Delaware [Delewars], (confederacy
of Algonquian stock) : I, 364, II, 54,
footnote, 145, 156, footnote, 188, 259;
location, I, 336, footnote, II, 355;
marriage customs, I, 65, footnote;
tradition, 335, footnote
Delaware (state) : II, 224, footnote,
355
Delaware River: I, 335, footnote, 336,
footnote, II, 355
Dellenbaugh, Frederick S : work cited,
II, 3i6
Denonville, Marquis de (gov. of
Canada) : I, 26, 147-148 and foot-
note, 255, 259, footnote, 261, foot-
note, 262, footnote, II, 16, 22, 27,
35, 44, 58, 152, footnote, 253; suc-
ceeds M. de la Barre, I, 243 ; arrives
at Quebec, 243, footnote; orders
Perrot to return, 244; orders from,
251; campaign against Iroquois,
243-252; offers peace to Iroquois,
252 ; captives sent to, II, 41 ; re-
called to France, 45 ; quoted, I, 244,
footnote, 250, footnote, 259, footnote,
II, 255
Densmore, Frances: work cited, II, 316
two]
INDEX
37i
De pere Rapids (Sauk village) : II,
356
Des Moines River: II, 142, footnote,
147, 148, 200, 201, 211, footnote, 233,
355
Detroit (Mich.) : I, 149, 250, 258, 261,
270, 271, II, 29, 146, 201, 278, 309,
346, and in footnotes on following
pages, I, 153, 189, 256, 280, 316, 329,
351, II, 108, 140, 150, 184, 189, 244;
plot against, I, 257, footnote
Detroit River: I, 237 and footnote
Devils: recognized as divinities, I, 48
Dhegiha (Siouan group) : I, 278, foot-
note, II, 36, footnote
Dillon, John B: work cited, II, 316
Dionne, C. E: I, 308, footnote
Disease: II, 218-219; common, 294;
epidemic, I, 354; sacrifice to avoid,
62, footnote ; ceremony in connection
with, II, 218-219, footnote, 219; pro-
tection sought from, 268; cure, I,
133, footnote, II, 234; causes great
mortality, I, 242, 293, 340, 341, II,
37, footnote, 314; causes death of
chief, I, 269 and footnote; among
Mascoutens, II, 58; smallpox, I,
108, footnote, 364, footnote, 367, foot-
note, II, 280
District of Columbia : Georgetown, II,
150, footnote, 182, footnote; see
Washington
Divorce: I, 303, II, 215; infrequent,
167, 288 ; for just cause, I, 64-65
Documentary History of New York:
I, 200, footnote
Dodge, Charles R: work cited, II, 316
Dodge, Richard Irving: II, 316
Dog : II, 129, 275 ; used as comparison,
I, 333, II, 17, 40, 72, 80, 215, 226;
feasts, I, 53, 87, II, 125, 292; Sioux
do not eat, I, 169 ; peaceable, II,
280; scent enemy, I, 180; dislike
Indians, II, 103 ; symbol in dream,
I, 356; sacrificed, 60 and footnote,
61, footnote, II, 272. Uses — draw-
ing sleds, etc., I, 278, footnote; hunt-
ing, 108 ; pack-beast, 173, footnote;
to watch near grave, II, 293
Donaldson, Thomas: work cited, II,
317
Dongan, — (Dutch governor) : I, 200,
footnote
Doolittle, J. R: II, 314
Dorman, Rushton M: work cited, II,
317
Dorsey, George A: quoted, II, 86
Dorsey, J. Owen: I, 185, footnote, 289,
footnote; quoted, I, 367-368, foot-
note; work cited, II, 309, 317
Doty Island (Winnebago village) : II,
356
Douglas County (Wis.) : I, 279, foot-
note
Dousman, Hercules L: work cited, II,
321
Drake, Benjamin: work cited, II, 317
Drake, Francis S: work cited, II, 317
Drake, Samuel G: work cited, II, 317
Draper, Lyman C: II, 151, footnote,
313, 345, 349, 35o; quoted, 153, foot-
note
Dreams: see Beliefs and superstitions
Dreuillette, Gabriel (Jesuit) : I, 157,
footnote, 165, footnote, 224; brief ac-
count, 224, footnote
Dubuque, Julien: II, 59, footnote
Ducks: I, 114, 304, II, 165
Du Lhut [Du Lhude], M. — : I, 244,
footnote
Dunn, Jacob P: Indiana, II, 38, foot-
note, 318
Dutch: I, 226, footnote
Du Tisne, — : II, 108, footnote
EAGLE (name of Sauk clan) : II, 163,
191, footnote, 211 ; marking of
graves, 212
Eames, Wilberforce: II, 357; quoted,
329
Eastman, Charles A: work cited, II,
3i8
Eastman, Mary H: work cited, II, 318
Eastman, Capt. S., U.S.A: II, 318, 342
372
INDEX
[Vol.
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS: in general — I,
282-283 ; to improve, II, 179 ; chosen
localities, 261; of Foxes, I, 318-319;
of Hurons, 283 ; of Potawatomi, II,
294; of Winnebago, I, 289, footnote,
II, 297, 298; factory system, I, 17,
II, 150-151, 176-178
CLOTHING-!, 114, 126, II, 166,
footnote, 172-173, 206, footnote, 217,
footnote, 223, 261; skins, I, 38, 264;
of civilized Potawatomi, II, 294;
Indian to discard whiteman's, 277;
of widows in mourning, I, 70 ; mak-
ing> 77> footnote} embroidered, 328,
footnote, II, 235, footnote', first
snow-shoe, I, 39, footnote', gift, 134,
footnote, 194; as sacrifice, 61, foot-
note
FOOD — I, 115-119, 179, 182, 229,
footnote, 237, 246, 309, 316, 326, 368-
369, 372, II, 33, 67, 130, 196, 206,
213, 227, 228-229, footnote, 261;
preparation, I, 113, 115-118, 115,
footnote, 116, footnote, 123, II, 29;
various kinds, I, 102-103, I27> fign
abundant, 367, footnote', fruits, 279,
footnote, 282; meat, 283; wild rice
[wild oats], 103 and footnote',
capacity, II, 237, footnote', greed, I,
280 ; restrictions, II, 277 ; favorite, I,
102; Indians first, 38; distribution
of game, 124; at feast, 53; as gift,
68, 71; as sacrifice, 61, footnote', for
captives, II, 83; for strangers, I,
*33-*34» H» 29; on trading expedi-
tions, I, 229, footnote; in country of
dead, 91; French supply, II, 19;
near grave, 209; of bears, I, 127;
see Feasts; Fish; Game
FUEL — I, 124-125, 162, footnote
INDUSTRIES AND OCCUPATIONS — in
general'. I, 76, footnote, 102; out-
lined, 39-40; duties of men, I, 74-75,
II, 216-217, 217, footnote; of women,
I, 75-76; of Ottawa, 282, footnote;
of Siouan tribes, 278, footnote; of
Winnebago, 289, footnote, II, 298.
Agriculture -I, 41, 43, 75, 109, no,
113, 119, 161, footnote, 173, 257,
footnote, 278, footnote, 279-280, foot-
note, 282, footnote, 289, footnote, 304,
319, 322, 367, II, 148, 151 and foot-
note, 190, footnote, 217 and footnote,
261; products, I, 102, 113; fruits,
279, footnote, 282; among Hurons,
192-193, II, 206-207, footnote. Fish-
ing-I, 69, 70, 72, 74, 106-113, 173,
179, 280, 286, 287, 289, footnote, 304,
305, 339, footnote, 343~344» II, 191*
footnote; women ignorant of, I, 237;
method among Chippewa, 275-276,
276, footnote; products, 282. Hunt-
ing-I, 41, 43, 69, 70, 72, 74, 106-
"3, "5, 179, 194, 203, 211, 221, 249,
278, footnote, 280, 289, footnote, 304,
322, 337, 339, 368, footnote, 372, II,
14, 67, 68, 109, no, 113, 114, 122,
130, 148-149, 152, 191, footnote, 212,
260, 261; method, I, 106-113, 119-
131, 304 and footnote, 366-367, II,
262; bears, I, 126-131; beaver, 104-
106, 365, 368-369; buffalo, 119-126;
caribou, 106-107 ; moose, 107-108 ;
products, 109; martial law, II, 163-
164, 258; weapons and tools, I, 331;
return, II, 227; soldiers accompany
Iroquois, I, 204; origin, 38; boys
learn, 78, II, 165; ceremony attend-
ing hunts, 262 ; expedition, I, 43-45 ;
traders dependant on, 227, footnote;
influence of dreams, 51, footnote;
see Game animals, also names of
various great game animals. Man-
ufacturing—I, 75, footnote, 368,
footnote, II, 149, footnote, 152-153,
217 and footnote; use of awl, I, 77,
footnote; bark, 80, footnote; beads,
331, footnote; belts, II, 185; buckler,
I, 126; nets, 276, footnotes; pottery,
323-324; snow-shoe, 39, footnote;
preparing hides, 126. Mining — II,
153. See Implements; Weapons
LODGES — I, 278, footnote, II, 227-
228, 261 ; described, I, 161, footnote
two]
INDEX
373
POPULATION — I, 109, footnote, 157,
footnote; decreasing II, 314; not de-
creasing, 337; of Abnaki, 54-55,
footnote; Assiniboin, I, 364, foot-
note; Crees, 108, footnote; French,
25; European, 26; Foxes, 292, foot-
note; 294, footnote; Illinois confed-
eracy, 154, footnote, 296, footnote;
Iowa, 367, footnote; Kaskaskia, 155,
footnote, II, 201 ; Kickapoo, I, 301,
footnote; Mascoutens, 329, footnote;
Menominee, 291, footnote; Miami,
317, footnote, II, 201; Onondaga,
in, footnote; Osage, 108, footnote;
Ottawa group, I, 282, footnote;
Peoria, II, 201; Piankashaw, 119-
120, footnot